The Voice of Mirza Xazar: Category Reactions

The South Ossetia War: A Week after Russian Intervention

Mirza Khazar — Mon, 18 Aug 2008 08:02:58 -0400

Since the beginning of the Georgian-South Ossetian war on August 7, many things have changed, both on political and battle field.

After one week of military interventions in Georgia and South Ossetia, many governments and organizations had placed enormous pressure on Russia to withdraw its forces from Georgia and restore peace in the region.

During the last week, Russia faced strong criticism for its actions from western democracies especially the United States. However, Russia describes its military intervention as a peacekeeping operation to protect its citizens and peacekeepers, and to enforce their peacekeeping mandate in South Ossetia. In relation, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev cited article 80 the Constitution of the Russian Federation, saying, "According to the Constitution, I must protect the life and dignity of Russian citizens wherever they are."

On August 12, Russia completed its operation to force Georgia to accept peace. As a reminder: Georgia launched a major ground and air offensive to seize control of the breakaway region of South Ossetia on August 8, forcing Russia to intervene and send in tanks and thousands of troops.

On August 16, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev signed the EU-brokered six-point peace plan. Plan was originally presented to President Medvedev by the French President Nicolas Sarkozy on August 12, however Moscow rejected it. Sarkozy's plan originally had only four points. Russia added the fifth and sixth points. Georgia asked for the additions in parentheses, but Russia rejected them. President Sarkozy eventually convinced Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili to agree to the unchanged text.
The EU-brokered six-point peace plan contains the main principles to resolve the conflict in South Ossetia:

1. No recourse to the use of force.

2. Definitive cessation of hostilities.

3. Free access to humanitarian aid (addition rejected: and to allow the return of refugees).

4. Georgian military forces must withdraw to their normal bases of encampment.

5. Russian military forces must withdraw to the lines prior to the start of hostilities. While awaiting an international mechanism, Russian peacekeeping forces will implement additional security measures (addition rejected: six months).

6. Opening of international discussions on the modalities of lasting security in Abkhazia and South Ossetia (addition rejected: based on the decisions of the U.N. and the O.S.C.E.).

On August 17, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev said during a telephone conversation with his French counterpart Nicolas Sarkozy that Russian troops would start their pullout from Georgia on August 18. However, lawmaker Konstantin Kosachev, head of the Russian parliament's foreign affairs committee, said Moscow will withdraw only when it is "assured that Georgians will not continue to use military force" in the breakaway regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia.

Since the beginning of the war, western democracies directed numerous demands to Russia to respect Georgia's territory, borders, national integrity and sovereignty.
These demands made Kosovo situation talked again. As a reminder, Kosovo was a breakaway region in the Republic of Serbia which declared independence in February 2008. In the next few days Kosovo was recognized as the Republic of Kosovo by many western democracies, including the United States.

Many times Russia asked Europe and the United States not to give Kosovo formal independence, and think about the whole situation. However, Russia's requests were ignored. Sergey Lavrov, the Russian Foreign Minister had warned the US Government and European diplomats that if they recognized Kosovo they would be setting a precedent for South Ossetia and other breakaway provinces around the world.

Now, just a few months after Kosovo's independence, South Ossetia is looking for the same treatment from the international community. The Ossetian majority in South Ossetia wants to secede from Georgia to become independent, or to join North Ossetia, just as a majority in Kosovo wanted to break away from Serbia to become independent, or to join Albania.
Countries that have recognized the independence of Kosovo are now looking for an argument that Kosovo is a "special case", and that Georgia territory has to be respected.
However, when one goes into the violation of the International Law and disregard sovereignty of one state (as it was done in the case of Kosovo), then same one can expect the possibility that such a recipe will be applied in other situations all over the world.

Ivan Simic

Belgrade, Serbia

Ivan Simic: Georgia vs. South Ossetia: From Conflict to Major War

Mirza Khazar — Mon, 11 Aug 2008 07:26:00 -0400

On August 8, 2008, South Ossetia attracted world's attention when Russian military forces entered Georgian territory, and seriously interfered in the Georgian-South Ossetian unresolved conflict. This conflict is well known to the world, yet, current Russian military intervention helped amplify the dispute. South Ossetia is a small region in the South Caucasus within the territory of Georgia. She has been a de facto independent from Georgia since its declaration of independence as the Republic of South Ossetia in 1990; however, South Ossetia continues to be part of Georgia, since it was not diplomatically recognized by any member of the United Nations. Georgia was part of the Soviet Union from 1922 until its independence in 1991. Since its independence from the Soviet Union, Georgia has been facing many difficulties: first, there was civil unrest and economic crises, then came a Revolution in 2003, when then President of Georgia, Eduard Shevardnadze was ousted from power; and, finally, the unresolved secessionist conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia; Russia's allied regions. We may recall the genesis of the current situation which has been precipitated by the 1918-1920 Georgian-Ossetian conflict. Later, in 1922 the South Ossetian Autonomous Oblast was created after Soviet occupation of Georgia. In the eighties, the conflict was followed by rising nationalism in the former Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic, the South Ossetian desire for greater autonomy, Ossetian demands for unification with Russia's North Ossetia, and persistent Ossetian declarations of independence. In 1989, from ethno-political conflict, the Georgian-South Ossetian conflict evolved to civil war in January 1991. War was fought between Georgian government forces and ethnic Georgian militias on one side and South Ossetian secessionists and North Ossetian volunteers on the other, with periodic participation of Russian military forces. Russian officials including the then President of the Russian Federation, Boris Yeltsin made supporting statements for Ossetians. The war ended in June 1992 when the Head of the State Council of Georgia, Eduard Shevardnadze and the Russian President Boris Yeltsin met to discuss the question of South Ossetia. By some estimates, around 3000 people were killed in that war. In May 2004, Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili offered humanitarian aid to both Georgian and Ossetian population in South Ossetia and promised to give the region broad autonomy; however, that did not stop violence. New conflict between South Ossetians and Georgians forces accrued in mid June 2004 when Georgian forces closed Ossetian main supply market for tax-free goods from Russia in order to stop smuggling. In retaliation, South Ossetian forces blocked the highway between Georgia and Russia. Later, Georgian forces intercepted Russian convoy with military equipment, including missiles. This interception created tension between Georgia and Russia, and the subsequent incarceration of around fifty Georgian peacekeepers by South Ossetian militants. In mid August 2004, a ceasefire agreement was signed, but just few days later, was violated. In January 2005, Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili presented a new plan for resolving the Georgian-South Ossetian conflict. This proposal included broader forms of autonomy, including a constitutional guarantee of free and directly elected local self-governance. Among others, President Saakashvili stated that South Ossetia's parliament would have control over issues such as culture, education, social policy, economic policy, public order, organization of local self-governance and environmental protection. No agreement was signed, although the United States government and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) supported Georgian action plan. In September 2006, South Ossetian forces opened fire at a Georgian helicopter carrying Irakli Okruashvili, the Minister of Defence of Georgia. South Ossetian de facto government confirmed their troops were responsible for the attack, alleging that the helicopter had entered their air space. Later in September 2007, Irakli Okruashvili was arrested on charges of extortion, money laundering, and abuse of power while still Georgia's Defence Minister. A Georgian court found him guilty and sentenced him to 11 years imprisonment in absentia. However, Okruashvili did not go to jail, he was granted political asylum in France. In May 2007, Dmitry Sanakoyev was appointed by the President of Georgia the Head of South Ossetian Provisional Administrative Entity. Sanakoyev's new resolution plan earned approval from the United States government, but not Russia's. This move alarmed the de facto authorities in South Ossetian capital Tskhinvali, and without any delay, South Ossetian separatists ordered that traffic to ethnic Georgian villages be blocked, and threatened to overthrow Sanakoyev's government by force. In July 2007, Georgia set up a State Commission, chaired by the Georgian Prime Minister, Zurab Noghaideli, to develop South Ossetia's autonomous status within the Georgian State. In August 2007, a new conflict occurred: the Georgian missile incident. This time incident was between Georgia and Russia. Georgian government said that two Russian fighter jets violated its airspace and fired a missile, which fell on the edge of a village of Tsitelubani, near the Georgian-Ossetian conflict zone, but did not explode. Russia denied this allegation and said that Georgia may have fired the missile on their own territory as a way of provoking tensions in the region. This Georgia-Russia incident is not an isolated issue, there were several crises, incidents and accusations in the past, including: the 2004 Adjara crisis, the 2006 North Ossetia sabotages, the 2006 Russian ban of Moldovan and Georgian wines, the 2006 Kodori crisis, the 2006 Georgian-Russian espionage controversy and the March 2007 Georgia helicopter attack incident. On August 1, 2008, after two months of continuous Georgian-South Ossetian fighting; the South Ossetia war between Georgia, Russia, South Ossetia, and Abkhazia began. On August 8, following several days of heavy fighting between Georgian army and South Ossetian militants, in which around 1500 civilians, 15 Russian peacekeepers, and dozens of South Ossetian militants were killed. Russia responded by moving its troops across the Georgian border, bringing tanks and artillery into South Ossetia. According to Russian officials, their main aim was to defend Russian citizens in South Ossetia, and force the Georgian government to accept peace and restore the status quo. Russian officials also stated that its army was acting within its peacekeeping mission in South Ossetia, and in line with the mandate issued by the international community. Tbilisi also stated that it was now responding to Russia's aggression. On August 9, conflict between Russia and Georgia escalated, and on August 10, Georgian troops retreated from the capital of South Ossetia. In relation to the current situation in Georgia, the international community issued many statements: In general, it is calling confronted parties to respect International Law, and for an immediate end to the armed clashes and resumption of direct talks. In New York, at Russia's request, an emergency session of the United Nations Security Council was held, but failed to reach an agreement on immediately halting of fighting. Both Georgia and Russia traded counter-accusations; whiles Georgia accused Russia for invasion of land, air, and sea, Russia accused Georgia of genocide against South Ossetians. According to the latest development there are some pertinent questions that should be asked; these include: Will the United States seize the opportunity in the current situation in Georgia as an excuse to invade Iran, since they are fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan? By the way, Iran is right in the neighbourhood. Will the NATO and the EU intervene, and in which form? Will Russia use the Kosovo situation as an example for South Ossetia? Is this war foundation of larger Euro-Asian conflicts? It is still not quite clear what will happen next; however one thing is obvious no country will dare to use military force against Russia, especially not in isolation. Ivan Simic Belgrade, Serbia

Haaretz.com: The village people

Mirza Khazar — Mon, 28 Jul 2008 02:49:32 -0400

By Amiram Barkat

Moscow's New Year's Eve parties are considered among the most ostentatious in the world. Last year, Russian gossip columnists ranked them according to the fee paid to the evening's main entertainer. Russian President Vladimir Putin's private party was not high on the list, with just $35,000 paid for the services of the British pop group, Smokie. Billionaire Roman Abramovich came in far above him, paying $900,000 for a single performance by the Australian singer, Kylie Minogue.

But the title of New Year Party King was bestowed upon a far less familiar businessman. Telman Ismailov threw his New Year's Eve bash at Moscow's luxury Baltschug Kempinski Hotel, and brought in no fewer than three superstars: Ricky Martin, Robbie Williams and Mariah Carey. Martin and Carey got $850,000 each for 40-minute performances, while Williams, according to the media, pocketed a cool $1 million.

Ismailov is known in Moscow as "the Caucasian." His name - son of Ishmael, in Russian - makes many think he is Muslim, but in fact Ismailov belongs to a small, isolated Jewish community that has lived in the Southern Caucasus for at least 1,500 years.

The Jews of the region call themselves Juhuro (Jews), and claim descent from the biblical Ten Lost Tribes, or from members of the tribe of Judah, exiled after the destruction of the First Temple [586 BCE]. The historical truth is unclear, but Prof. Mordechai Altshuler of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, the leading scholar on the Jews of the Caucasus, believes that they have a connection to the Persian and Bukharan Jews, and became an independent community around the 6th century CE, just before the appearance of Islam.

Savage but hospitable

In the 19th century, the Russian conquerors of the Southern Caucasus were surprised to find Jews there who rode horses and wore daggers, and they called them "Mountain Jews." A century later, the Nazis pondered the question whether the Mountain Jews were part of the "Jewish race" marked for extinction: regarding the Ashkenazi Jews, there was never any doubt.

A traveler called Braverman, who visited the Mountain Jews in 1895, wrote about "Jacob the Caucasian": "In many things he is indeed a savage, as if the blood of our uncle, Ishmael, runs in his veins," but praised the admirable attributes of the Mountain Jews, especially their hospitality.

There are hardly any Jews left in Ismailov's home village of Geokchai. Researcher Leah Shamailov estimates there are still a few dozen Jews scattered in a rural area near the Georgian border, but most are now from mixed Jewish-Muslim families. In addition, a significant proportion of the Jewish women in Baku, capital of Azerbaijan, are married to Muslim men.

Just one town in the Caucasus, and perhaps the only one in Eurasia, is still known as Jewish. Called Girmizi Gasaba in the Azeri language and Krasnaya Sloboda (the Red Settlement) in Russian, the town is located in northern Azerbaijan, 2,500 kilometers south of Moscow.

It is in fact a suburb of the regional town of Quba, just an hour's drive from the Azerbaijani-Russian border. The Quba region is favored as a recreation area, and attracts many well-heeled Ajerbaijanis in the summer, but the elegance of their dachas cannot compete with Krasnaya Sloboda. "It's like Kfar Shmaryahu in the middle of the Caucasus," says Eitan Na'eh, former Israeli ambassador to Azerbaijan.

Krasnaya Sloboda was built about two centuries ago by Jews who had fled from different areas of Central Asia. From afar, it looks like a small town in a Chagall painting: a pile of houses on the far side of a river, against a backdrop of the snow-capped peaks of the Caucasus.

Until about 15 years ago, all village homes were one story, with a large courtyard in front. Today the houses are built by Turkish workers, according to the luxury designs in English and French catalogs. Furniture is imported from Sweden or Dubai, and appliances from the United States. In the last few years, almost all the old houses have been demolished, and replaced by villas. The larger ones have four or five floors, and are equipped with an elevator. "A private swimming pool is standard in Krasnaya Sloboda," says Shamailov, who still has family living in the town.

Almost every able-bodied young man born in Krasnaya Sloboda in recent years has gone off to Moscow, to join the family business there. As in the village, the women do not work, but in Moscow, they divide their time between the house, the shopping mall and the health club. The children get the best education the town can offer, and the very rich send their children to British "public" (i.e. private) schools.

Some of the town's residents come home only for the summer, between Passover and Tisha B'Av, while others come only for weddings and funerals. On wedding days, the bridegroom's friends compete for the best places in his convoy of cars. When they are not being driven wildly, the parked Mercedes limousines are covered with Persian carpets, an ostentatious substitute for ordinary fabric. In short, the Jews of Krasnaya Sloboda are wealthy by any standards.

A head for commerce

The first difference between the prosperous Caucasian families and the "Ashkenazi" oligarchs is the way they have amassed their fortunes. The Caucasians do not have "a head for industry." They were not the ones to take over oil companies and aluminum mines, nor take part in the great carnival of privatization [in the former Soviet Union]. They make their money in commerce, an area in which they are considered the best around.

In the distant past they were especially involved in agriculture, but in the twilight days of the Soviet Union, they developed impressive commercial skills, selling fresh produce and imported Turkish leather products on Moscow's black market. The collapse of the Soviet empire found them in a favorable position, with many of them already sitting on private nest eggs. As a first step, they gained control of markets, then went on to build shopping malls, and today they are a serious force in the hot real-estate market in the Russian capital.

A year ago, Ismailov and his partner, Zarakh Iliyev, bought Moscow's monumental Ukraina Hotel for $300 million in cash. The partners' real estate holdings in Moscow are in excess of 1 million square meters [about 10 million square feet].

The second difference between the Caucasian and the Ashkenazi Jews is the formers' distaste for involvement in politics or Jewish affairs outside their own community. They are not big philanthropists, and give money mainly to synagogues and religious institutions.

The third difference is in their attitude to women. Unlike the "Western" oligarchs, the Caucasian Jews do not send their daughters to prestigious schools in the West, and their wives remain at home to run the household.

In the past, the inhabitants of Krasnaya Sloboda were meticulous in preserving their origins. Each community lived in its own neighborhood, and married within the community. The neighborhoods were known by the names of the communities that lived there: Kusari, Mizrahi and Chipkent. The borders have blurred in recent years, but families still make a point of saying which neighborhood they come from.

A short walk around the town reveals that it is half-empty. For most of the year, the town is home only to the old and infirm. Of its 13 synagogues, only one - Gila - is fully active. The stores, on the other hand, lack for nothing. The groceries are on a par with Tel Aviv's convenience stores, and the electronic emporiums stock computers, television sets and MP3 players.W

Last update - 18:37 02/10/2006

http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/pages/ShArt.jhtml?itemNo=769003

Radovan Karadzic: One Way Ticket to The Hague

Mirza Khazar — Mon, 28 Jul 2008 02:37:44 -0400

Recently, former 1st President of Republika Srpska, and one of the world most wanted fugitives was arrested in Belgrade by the Serbian authorities after alleged tip-off from a foreign intelligence service. Radovan Karadzic was a fugitive since 1995 after having been indicted for war crimes by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). A $5 million reward had been offered for his arrest by the United States Government. Since his arrest many reactions and questions has been raised around the world.

Political Life and War Crime Charges

Radovan Karadzic was born in 1945 in Petnjica, Republic of Montenegro. In 1989 he co-founded political party called the "Serbian Democratic Party" (Srpska Demokratska Stranka – SDS) in Bosnia and Herzegovina, whose objective at the time was to convince the republic's Bosnian Serb community and Croatian Serbs to remain a part of Yugoslavia. In March 1992, in a referendum, Bosnia gained independence from Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) and later in April was recognized by the United Nation as an independent state. Later that year Karadzic became the first President of Republika Srpska until 1996.

In 1995, Karadzic was indicted by the International Criminal Court along side with Colonel-General Ratko Mladic (currently at large). He is accused of personal and command responsibility for numerous war crimes committed against non-Serbs, in his roles as Supreme Commander of the Bosnian Serb Armed Forces and President of the National Security Council of the Republika Srpska. Among others, he is accused of ordering the Srebrenica massacre in 1995, Siege of Sarajevo, ordering that United Nations personnel be taken hostage in May-June 1995.

The indictment is based on the charges of his individual criminal responsibility and superior criminal responsibility with:

- Unlawful transfer of civilians because of religious or national identity

- One count of severe breaches of the Geneva Conventions

- Three counts of violations of the Laws of War

- Five counts of crimes against humanity

Karadzic is not the only high ranking individual accused in front of the ICTY. The accused are ranging from common soldiers to generals, from Presidents to Prime Ministers, such as:

- Slobodan Milosevic, President of Serbia and Yugoslavia; the first sitting head of state indicted for war crimes (died in cell)

- Ratko Mladic, Commander of the Bosnian Serb Army (at large)

- Momcilo Krajisnik, Prime Minister of Republika Srpska (sentenced to 27 years)

- Milan Babic, President of the Republika Srpska Krajina (sentenced to 13 years, died in cell)

- Biljana Plavsic, President of Republika Srpska (sentenced to 11 years)

- Milan Martic, Prime Minister of Republika Srpska Krajina (sentenced to 35 years)

- Ante Gotovina, General of the Croatian Army (trial pending)

- Ramush Haradinaj, former Prime Minister of Kosovo (Acquitted in May 2008)

If extradited to the International Criminal Court, Radovan Karadzic would become the 44th Serb suspect to be sent to The Hague.

The Capture

According to Serbian government officials, Karadzic was arrested on 21 July 2008, in Belgrade, however, special police forces were visible in Belgrade centre on 18 July evening, when is to believed Karadzic was arrested. These claims were refuted by Serbian government. Until his capture, Karadzic lived under the false name of Dr. Dragan Dabic. He also obtained and used a false ID and practiced alternative medicine at a private medical clinic, specializing in alternative medicine and psychology. He is currently detained in a special detention unit of Serbia's War Crimes Court and waiting to be transferred in to International Criminal Court in The Hague.

Karadzic's capture occurred just a few days before International Criminal Court's chief prosecutor, Serge Brammertz was due to visit Serbia, just a few weeks after the formation of the new Serbian Government, and few months after the government signed the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) treaty with the European Union. This arrest also came just after Milosevic's top party member and now president of the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) was appointed Minister of Internal Affairs.

The strangest thing is that the new government was formed between pro-European/democratic parties led by the Democratic Party (Demokratska Stranka - DS) which was a party of former (assassinated) Prime Minister of Serbia Dr. Zoran Djindjic, now succeeded by the current President of Serbia Boris Tadic, and the Socialist Party of Serbia (Socijalisticka Partija Srbije - SPS) which was the party of former President of Serbia and Yugoslavia Slobodan Milosevic, now succeeded by Ivica Dacic.

As a reminder; democratic/pro-European parties came to power in so-called October 5th Revolution in 2000, when they striped Milosevic and his regime out of power and replace him with new President of Yugoslavia Dr. Vojislav Kostunica and established first democratic government. Now after eight years of scandals and prosecutions of Slobodan Milosevic, his party and close associates, Democratic Party formed the coalition government with Socialist Party of Serbia.

Because of the latest development, some question that should be asked are:

1. Did Vojislav Kostunica knew the location of Karadzic, and was he protecting him all this time, since he is no longer in power, arrest came to place?

2. Did the Democratic Party decided that this is now time to give Karadzic up since they formed a new coalition government with the Socialist Party of Serbia, or was it an attempt to divert attention and prove that they are a pro-European Government, no matter who is in coalition with them?

3. Did the Socialist Party of Serbia, knew of the whereabouts of Karadzic, and used that information to arrest him in order to bring their party closer to the West, and maybe get some support from them in the next elections?

4. Did some other Governments, organizations, institutions protected and financed Karadzic all this time, and decided that is time to give him up?

5. Did somebody tuck in the $5 million reward?

No matter if we get the answers to these questions or not, the international community will never allow for Karadzic to walk free again. After all this years, this arrest in a one way ticket for Karadzic to the UN Tribunal.

Ivan Simic

Belgrade, Serbia

U.S. administration controlled Azeri operation -Czech-born Kozeny

Mirza Khazar — Sat, 05 Jul 2008 22:33:32 -0400

New York- Czech-born financier Viktor Kozeny, whom a U.S. court charged with corruption during the Azeri oil industry privatisation, believes that the U.S. administration controlled the whole Azeri operation, he told CTK today after charges against former AIG top official were withdrawn.
David Pinkerton, former managing director of the AIG insurance company's investment fund, U.S. investor Frederic Bourke Jr. and Kozeny faced corruption and money-laundering charges. The three men allegedly wanted to gain control over the Azeri state oil company SOCAR in the late 1990s.

Kozeny told CTK that the charges were clearly withdrawn because further prosecution was not in the interest of U.S. national security and because somebody intervened.

He said this was the only explanation since there were many pieces of conclusive written evidence against Pinkerton.

Kozeny pointed to the fact that the prosecutors did not state any reason for the withdrawal of charges and that no hearing was held to discuss the request.

The U.S. judge in fact had no other possibility but to comply with the application, Kozeny said.

In case of national security interests, a U.S. government institution usually sends a letter of suggestion to the court. Such letter is mostly classified, he said.

Most of the charges against Pinkerton and Bourke were dismissed last year as they were statute barred.

When the charges were brought against all three men in late 2005, Kozeny was arrested in the Bahamian, where he has been living for a long time, on the basis of a U.S. application for his extradition. He remained in custody until spring 2007 when a Bahamas court released him on bail.

Kozeny's extradition is also sought by the Czech Republic where he is prosecuted over involvement in the suspected embezzlement of property worth up to 16 billion crowns. Kozeny was one of the key figures of Czechoslovak coupon privatisation in the early 1990s.

Court proceedings against Kozeny recently started in Prague. He has been tried in absentia.

According to available information, the Bahamian authorities have yet dealt with the Czech extradition application.

URL: http://www.ceskenoviny.cz/tisk_clanku_view.php?id=321389&BACK=/news/index_view.php?id=321389

AZERBAIJAN: PRESIDENTIAL JOB PROMISES FALL SHORT (Eurasianet)

Mirza Khazar — Sat, 31 May 2008 03:18:00 -0400

Elkhan Salahov: 5/30/08 Five months before Azerbaijan’s presidential elections, controversy is surrounding recent claims by President Ilham Aliyev that his government oversaw the creation of 650,000 new jobs by the end of 2007. The key problem lies in a contradiction between that figure and the number of individuals who have been registered to pay into the country’s social security system. Under Azerbaijani law, employers must report new hires to the State Social Security Fund within a month of creating a permanent job. Since 2003, only 154,000 individuals have been registered to pay into the social insurance system, according to State Social Security Fund spokesperson Ali Samadov. This is over three times fewer than the 480,000 permanent jobs (out of a total of 650,000) that supposedly opened over the last four years, as announced by President Aliyev in February. Vusal Gasimli, deputy chairman of the board of Baku’s Economic Research Center, says that the sizeable difference between the official number of newly established jobs and individuals registered as social insurance payers indicates that the statistics are exaggerated. The Social Security Fund’s figures show no increase in its revenues for this same period. “Sixty to seventy percent of pension payments are financed at the expense of social insurance payments, with the remaining funds coming from the budget,” Gasimli said. “If the number of new jobs were as large as stated, the revenues of the State Social Security Fund responsible for the allocation of pensions would have increased as much.” Pensions currently stand at 63 manats per month, or about $76.80. Baku pensioner Afrahim Mammadov, like other retirement-age Azerbaijanis interviewed for this article, also wonders about that apparent contradiction. “If there are so many new jobs, why don’t they increase my retirement pension?” asked Mammadov who worked as a school principal for 30 years. Social Security Fund spokesperson Samadov, though, has a different explanation for why the new jobs have no impact on the Fund’s revenues. Not all new employees have been registered for social insurance payments, he claims. Similarly, Ministry of Economic Development spokesperson Abbas Aliyev says that the low number of social insurance payers does not prove that the government’s employment statistics are wrong. “A certain number of employed people conceal their employment to avoid paying social insurance fees,” Aliyev argued. ERC deputy chairman Gasimli confirms that people avoid registering their jobs with the social insurance system, but thinks this is not the most important explanation for the difference between the official employment figures and the number of people paying into the social insurance system. “In reality, there could be a difference, but not to this extent. This gives an impression that the number of new jobs has been exaggerated.” Some inconsistencies with recording the statistics also play a role, he continued. When a job term is extended, for instance, the extension is counted as a new job. [ERC receives funding from the Open Society Institute. EurasiaNet.org operates under the auspices of OSI’s Central Eurasia Project.] The net effect is that opposition members and observers like Gasimli now contend that, with an election coming up, the government is using these figures to appear to have made good on their earlier job-creation promises. “Over the last four years, the government has focused its propaganda on economic issues. Therefore, it has become a traditional policy for the current government to thrust these numbers on society,” said opposition presidential candidate Eldar Namazov, a former presidential advisor. The mechanism for calculating newly established jobs is so complicated that ordinary citizens have no way of knowing whether the numbers are right or wrong, he added. In a written response to an inquiry, Meri Amirova, a department head for the State Statistics Committee, puts the onus for the Committee’s jobs data on information received from companies, non-governmental organizations and individual businesspeople. Doubts about the government’s job statistics, however, are not limited to Baku’s community of economic experts. Some Baku residents who have had trouble finding jobs also believe that the data has been exaggerated. “The majority of young men in our village have left for Russia because there are no jobs in Azerbaijan. Not a single company is functioning in the region besides one or two small workshops,” claimed 28-year-old Vugar Mammadov, a geologist by training who came to Baku from the central Azerbaijani town of Barda to earn his living as a construction worker. A four-year report from the State Statistics Committee states that 82 percent of the 650,000 new jobs created since 2003 were created in the regions outside Baku. According to the document, 5,030 new jobs, 2,425 of them permanent, were created in Mammadov’s native Barda. “As is the case with the other regions, new enterprises started to function in Barda and hundreds of people were provided with permanent and temporary jobs,” said the State Statistics Committee’s Amirova. The jobs, she claims, are located in a rock quarry, two new schools, and a sewing factory. But the alleged pick-up in employment has done little to dent the number of Azerbaijanis migrating to Russia for work -- a phenomenon also widespread in neighboring Georgia and Armenia. Based on data supplied by Russia, the State Committee for Work with Azerbaijanis Living Abroad reports that approximately two million Azerbaijani migrants have moved to the Russian Federation to earn their living. The Committee puts the amount of transfers from Russia-based Azerbaijani migrants at “more than $1 billion.” The number released by the State Statistics Committee -- “more than $800 million” -- is slightly different, but no less significant. This figure amounts to 10 percent of Azerbaijan’s 2008 state budget of Azerbaijan and 4 percent of its 2007 Gross Domestic Product. Editor’s Note: Elkhan Salahov is a freelance reporter in Baku. http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/insight/articles/eav053008a.shtml

EurasiaNet: STATE MEDIA EMBROILED IN GAY BASHING CONTROVERSY (AZERBAIJAN)

Mirza Khazar — Wed, 07 May 2008 07:50:00 -0400

Mina Muradova EurasiaNet, Eurasia Insight May 6, 20008 Controversy is enveloping state-controlled media outlets in Azerbaijan after the broadcast of a television program that alleges Ali Karimli, one of the government's most vocal critics, is a homosexual. Karimli supporters maintain that the broadcast is designed to discredit him as a potential presidential candidate in the autumn election. Opposition leaders see the film as the de facto sequel to a broadcast aired earlier in April about a knife attack on Agil Khalil, a reporter for the Azadlig (Freedom) newspaper, a publication with ties to the Popular Front of Azerbaijan, the opposition party headed by Karimli. Prior to the attack, Khalil had alleged senior city government officials were selling city-owned land privately to construction companies. In February, Khalil was badly beaten by national security officers, and, later, stabbed by unknown assailants. In early April, the state-run AzTV and the pro-government Lider TV broadcast a 30-minute tape that claimed Khalil's alleged homosexual lover stabbed the journalist in a fit of jealousy. The reporter denies the allegations, which were roundly condemned by international human rights observers. A similar claim has now emerged against Karimli. On April 22, Lider TV broadcast a 40-minute program that presented both Karimli and Khalil as the alleged representatives of a "sexual minority." "Agil Khalil not only shares the same personality as Ali Karimli, but he also shares the same color," the program's narrator alleges, making a reference to "goluboi" (light blue), the colloquial Russian expression for a gay man. "It looks like the inclination toward [this] sexual minority is a weakness of Ali Karimliâ€™s and his circle." The program cites a "list of people with whom Agil Khalil has friendly relationships" to substantiate its claims. The broadcast added that Kerimli supposedly "directed" Khalilâ€™s "youthful passion in the wrong direction." Fuad Mustafayev, deputy head of the Popular Front, contends that the broadcast was defamatory and intentionally styled to inflict political damage on the opposition. To underscore the political intent of the program, Mustafayev added, it was rebroadcast a second time on April 29, Karimli's birthday. Other Baku observers agree that the programming was politically motivated. "Once again, it shows the immorality of the authorities," charged pro-opposition political analyst Zardusht Alizade. "They are using electronic media they control to frighten and to discourage not only their political opponents, but also potential voters. It is a lesson to others." As yet, there has been no international reaction to the broadcasts concerning Karimli. Meanwhile, representatives of President Ilham Aliyev's administration vigorously deny any coordinated effort to discredit Kerimli. "There is no black PR," insisted Ali Hasanov, a top presidential aide. "If it existed, the opposition media would be on the top of this," Hasanov told reporters on April 25. "Whether pro-government or opposition, journalists should always respect people's honor and dignity." At first glance, there would seem to be little reason for such a vicious personal attack on Karimli. Azerbaijan's opposition, never robust, has weakened since the 2005 parliamentary elections. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. In addition, the consensus among observers is that Aliyev should cruise to victory in the autumn presidential vote. Partisans of the Popular Front, arguably one of the best known and organized of Azerbaijan's opposition parties, claim that the television program is designed to encourage the party to boycott the presidential election. Under the present circumstances, opposition leaders say they feel disinclined to participate. "There are no conditions for an election campaign; in particular, there is no real freedom of assembly, while freedom of speech is dramatically limited," the Popular Front's Mustafayev complained to EurasiaNet. "Under the current conditions, it is naÃ¬ve to think about democratic elections in Azerbaijan. It is a farce, a tragicomedy and we do not want to contribute to this by our participation [in the elections]." Former presidential advisor Eldar Namazov, now an opposition leader running for president, sees a broader purpose behind the broadcasts. "A smear campaign against opponents like this is used to prevent an outburst of people's political and social [welfare] frustrations," suggested Namazov. To date, aside from Namazov, only one other nominee has been officially designated to contest the October 15 election. On May 5, in an unusual twist on international election practices, Defense Minister Safar Abiyev nominated Aliyev for reelection. Five opposition parties are expected to eventually nominate candidates. An opposition party boycott, said Hasanov, would have little impact on the campaign. "The participation or non-participation in the election is the business of each party," the Trend news agency quoted Hasanov as saying on April 23. "There will be enough candidates taking part in the elections." Editor's Note: Mina Muradova is a freelance reporter based in Baku. Posted May 6, 2008 Â© Eurasianet http://www.eurasianet.org URL: http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/insight/articles/eav050608.shtml

Ivan Simic: Government & Organized Crime, A History of Co-existence

Mirza Khazar — Wed, 09 Apr 2008 15:47:00 -0400

A government is the organization which is the governing authority of a political unit, also the ruling power in a political society, and the apparatus through which a governing body functions and exercises authority. Government have the authority to make laws, to arbitrate disputes, to issue administrative decisions, and a monopoly in authorizing force. A State, depending on size can have local, regional and national government. There are many types of governments, such as: Monarchy, Despotism, Dictatorship, Oligarchy, Plutocracy, Democracy, Theocracy, and Anarchy. A Government depending on type can by headed by politicians, monarchs, dictators, group of people (families), wealthy class, and religious elite. History does not have the exact date of the formation of the first governments, though; it holds some records of formation of very first governments 3000 years ago. Organized crime or criminal organizations are groups or operations run by controversial individuals most commonly for the purpose of generating a financial profit and social power (influence). Organized crime, however defined, is characterized by a few basic qualities including durability over time, diversified interests, hierarchical structure, capital accumulation, reinvestment, access to political protection and the use of violence to protect interests. The best known criminal organizations are: Cosa Nostra commonly known as Mafia, the Russian Mafia, the Japanese Yakuza, the Chinese Triads, the Colombian and the Mexican drug cartel, the Chechen Mafia, and young Mara Salvatrucha, among others. History has it, that the first sign of organized crime was seen 3000 years ago. It is important to make a distinction between organized crime (criminal organizations) and terrorist organizations, military organizations, political and paramilitary organizations, such as: Al Qaeda, Hezbollah, IRA, Irgun, among others. In relation, we should not forget the Nuremberg Trials in Germany, famous for prosecution of leadership of Nazi Germany. The best known was the Trial of the Major War Criminals before the International Military Tribunal (IMT) in 1945. On this trial followed were indicted as criminal organizations: the Nationalsozialismus Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDP), the Nazi party - National Socialist German Workers Party. the Schutzstaffel (SS), Protective Squadron – military organization. the Sicherheitsdienst (SD), Security Service – intelligence service of SS and NSDP. the Gestapo, secret state police. the Sturmabteilung (SA), Storm Division – paramilitary organization. the Oberkommando der Wehrmacht (OKW), Supreme Command of the Armed Forces. This concept of criminal organizations was, and still continues to be controversial, and it was not used in International Human Rights Law since then. Throughout history there has been constant struggle, but also connection between governments and organized crime. In addition, many world famous political and military leaders have been accused of running their countries like criminal organizations, for instance: Joseph Stalin, Adolf Hitler, Mao Zedong, Nicolae Ceausescu, Idi Amin Dada, Manuel Antonio Noriega Moreno, Augusto José Ramón Pinochet Ugarte, among others. For many top government politicians is believed to grow enormous wealth by running a kleptrocracy, a government that extends the personal wealth and political power of government officials and the ruling class at the expense of the population. Few years ago an unofficial list has been released of the people for who is believed to be the most self-enriching political leaders, top of which are: Suharto (former President of Indonesia/$15-$35 billion USD), Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralín Marcos (former President of the Philippines/$5-$10 billion USD), Mobutu Sese Seko Nkuku Ngbendu wa Za Banga (former President of Zaire/$5 billion USD), among many others. What make governments and organized crime to be so connected? Governments have Head of States, Leaders, military, laws, taxes, customs, punishments; governments control States and go into wars, among others. On the other side criminal organizations (organized crime) has bosses, dons, families, soldiers, gangs, codes and outs, a protection racket and extortion, punishments, they also control territories and small cities, and they also go into wars with other criminal organizations, and governments, among others. Looking at these examples we can see that there is many similarities in structure of government and organized crime. Many governments have been involved in criminal activities trough politicians, such as: weapons sales, narcotics, international loans, confiscation of private property, and corruption. A socio-political phenomenon called "Political corruption" is visible in all forms of governments, and includes extortion, nepotism, bribery, cronyism, patronage, graft and embezzlement. Global corruption is estimated at one trillion US Dollars, which is equal to what organized crime makes per year around the world. According to history, ancient civilizations like Summer, Indus Valley Civilization, Babylon, Maya Civilization, Yellow River, Ancient Egypt, Ancient Greece, and Ancient Rome had governments, military, Laws, and crimes. The Summer Civilization had the first ever written code of Law, and it was written by the ruler Urukagina who was best known for his reforms to combat corruption. Later King Ur-Nammu wrote "the Code of Ur-Nammu", which is oldest surviving code of Law in the world. His code of Law is considered remarkably advanced, and the capital crimes of murder, robbery, adultery and rape were punished with death. Many people mostly historians believe that organized crime emerged from piracy and banditry in 17th century or from some famous warriors and conquers earlier, however, if we look at this ancient Laws, we can see that organized crime and crime generally existed long before piracy and banditry period, even Julius Cesar was kidnapped and held prisoner in 75BC by Cilician pirates, he was later released when requested ransom was paid. Afterwards, Cesar raised fleet and captured the pirates, pirates was first imprisoned and later crucified on his authority. Pertinent historical question: so, what was formed first and what did set up the model for other; a government or organized crime? It is evident that crime and organized crime existed long before the formation of the first government. Governments implemented Laws because of the crime activities that were visible in their society, in relation to that; we can say that crime is older than the first Law and government. If tree of more individuals organize them self's to commit a crime, that crime is characterized as organized crime. It was very hard, for example, in Twenty-fourth Century BC to distinguish between what was right and what was wrong, however, people held something deep inside of themselves for centuries of human evolution, and that is the sense for righteousness on which civilisations were able to build their respective society. Did governments learned from organized crime or did organized crime learned from governments? They learned from each other, government's establishers applied some of the main principles of criminal organizations structure for the greater cause. In fact, many Laws and Government bodies were made because of crime activities. Criminal organizations followed the evolution of governments and learned to be more effective in criminal activities. Throughout history crime walked along governments, it was present in every known society, including dynasties, imperialism, colonialism, monarchism, communism, socialism, and modern democracy. In the contemporary world criminal organizations are still successful in their business. Some governments, on the other hand, cannot be distinguished from organized crime because of their inherent corruption and lawlessness in their activities. Today, many world governments, the United Nations and various law enforcement agencies are fighting criminal organizations and corruption, but as long as we have politicians and government official behaving like criminals and taking bribes, criminal organizations will continue to grow. Ivan Simic Belgrade, Serbia ************************************ Ivan Simic was born in Belgrade, Serbia and an Economics graduate. For the past decade, Simic has worked in various fields: business, diplomacy, and government. A prolific writer, Simic has written many articles and critiques or supported theories concerning global issues and international relations. Travel GuideView Map | Search the Web

Khadija Ismayilova: THE FUTURE OF NABUCCO PIPELINE UP IN THE AIR

Mirza Khazar — Mon, 10 Dec 2007 14:25:38 -0500

THE FUTURE OF NABUCCO PIPELINE UP IN THE AIR
Khadija Ismayilova: 12/05/07

The prospects for construction of the Nabucco pipeline -- a route that would help Europe reduce its energy dependency on Russia -- appear to be fading. A decision on whether to proceed with the project has been postponed until early 2008 amid questions of whether the proposed route can be economically viable.

The five members of the Nabucco consortium opted recently not to make a final decision on the project until the first quarter of 2008. They originally had been expected to make a determination by the end of 2007. The pipeline, envisioned to stretch about 3,300 kilometers, would cost an estimated $5-6 billion. It would enable European Union member states to bypass Russia in importing gas from the Caspian Basin and Middle East, via Turkey and Central Europe. [For additional information see the Eurasia Insight archive].

Numerous logistical hurdles -- including issues related to financing, as well as questions about adequate supplies -- remain in Nabucco’s path. Russia is also a determined foe of the project. According to the most recent timetable, construction on Nabucco would begin in 2009 and wrap up three years later.

Nabucco’s future would seem to be tied to that of a proposed trans-Caspian pipeline (TCP), which would facilitate the delivery of gas from the Central Asian states of Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan to Azerbaijan, where those supplies could be funneled through existing pipelines to eventually link up with Nabucco. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. While both Astana and Ashgabat have expressed interest in TCP, there are no indications that a pipeline pact is imminent.

Andre Mernier -- secretary general of the Energy Charter, a 56-nation organization dedicated to promoting global energy cooperation -- has gone on record as saying Nabucco may be impractical. "The project's implementation in uncertain circumstances in areas close to the Black Sea region is extremely difficult," Mernier said in a late October interview with the Turkish newspaper Cumhuriyet. He also suggested that the Caspian Basin may not possess sufficient reserves to support existing pipelines, in addition to Nabucco.

Ilham Shaban the head of the Baku-based Energy Research Center said it is too early to bury the Nabucco project. However, he agrees that the pipeline, with a planned capacity of 30 billion cubic meters (bcm) per year, requires addition feasibility studies. “First of all it needs to be clarified which energy resources will be carried by this pipeline, and [determine whether] there is enough to make the pipeline profitable,” Shaban told EurasiaNet.

“So far four countries are considered as potential suppliers for the pipeline,” Shaban continued. “Three of them are Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan [and] their gas resources are not clearly defined yet. Iran, the fourth country, is considered an unreliable source for energy, due to [international] sanctions.”

European Union officials insist that Iranian participation in Nabucco is not under consideration at this time. “For the realization of Nabucco, Iranian gas is neither necessary nor looked for,” EU spokesperson Ferran Taradellas Espuny said during a recent news briefing in Brussels. Despite the fact that a US intelligence finding determined that Iran is not striving to make nuclear weapons, the Bush administration has made it clear that Washington intends to keep economic pressure up on Tehran. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].

Azerbaijan has already declared its readiness to invest in Nabucco, but Shaban believes that Baku’s stance rests more on political than economic factors. It may be that the fate of the TCP route will have to be determined before a final decision is made on Nabucco. Sabit Bagirov, the former president of Azerbaijan’s State Oil Company (SOCAR) has stated that Nabucco’s viability depends on the ability of Central Asian nations, especially Turkmenistan, to supply the pipeline.

Thus, the answer to whether Nabucco becomes reality may ultimately be found in the capital of Turkmenistan, Ashgabat. Turkmen leader Gurbanguly Berdymukhamedov has repeatedly expressed interest in opening new routes for Turkmen gas exports. However, many analysts suspect Berdymukhamedov is making more promises than he can keep. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].

Bagirov is one of several Azerbaijani experts who believe that Nabucco could be built, even if Turkmenistan doesn’t participate. Azerbaijan alone might be able to supply Nabucco, given that the reserves contained in the Shah Deniz field were recently revised upward by 20 percent. According to Rovnag Abdullayev, SOCAR’s current chief, Shah Deniz now has confirmed gas reserves of over 1.2 trillion cubic meters, along with 240 roughly million tons of gas condensate. Production at Shah Deniz began in late 2006 and is expected to total 2.8 bcm this year, rising to 8 bcm in 2008.

Members of the Nabucco consortium, meanwhile, continue to maneuver. One consortium participant, Hungary’s oil and gas company MOL, announced December 5 that it was negotiating with other Central European energy companies to form a regional gas distributor. The rationale behind the initiative is that a joint operation would likely make it easier to attract financing for infrastructure projects, such as Nabucco.

Editor’s Note: Khadija Ismayilova is a freelance journalist based in Baku.

(source: www.eurasianet.org)

AZERBAIJAN: BAKU BOOM HAS YET TO HIT REGIONS

Mirza Khazar — Wed, 15 Aug 2007 12:55:00 -0400

Rovshan Ismayilov 8/13/07 (www.eurasianet.org) Two separate worlds uneasily coexist within Azerbaijan. One is Baku, the country’s oil boom capital, a metropolis increasingly slick with skyscrapers, ritzy clubs and high-end boutiques. But travel not too far outside this city of 2.9 million, and the picture suddenly changes. Azerbaijan’s regions -- especially in rural areas – are trapped by the twin troubles of unemployment and underdeveloped transportation. Monthly salaries here (about $120-$150) are less than half what they average in Baku, according to official statistics. Driving a private taxi is one of the most common jobs for local males. An irregular rate of economic development drives the disparity. Jobs for qualified specialists may be hard to come by in Baku, but opportunities for ordinary workers in construction, restaurants and retail abound. While official data does not exist, young people are increasingly coming to Baku for university, and then staying in the capital for work afterwards. "As a result, we have an abnormal economic misbalance when up to 90 percent of the country’s GDP is being produced by Baku, while the rest of the country produces about ten percent," commented Rasim Huseynov, a Baku-based independent economic expert. The growing economic gap can be seen most vividly in lifestyle differences. Baku is packed with bars, nightclubs and discothèques, bowling clubs and entertainment centers attended equally by men and women. By contrast, not a single nightclub or discotheque exists outside of Azerbaijan’s capital. "It is boring to live in the village," complained 17-year-old Mobil Mammadov, a resident of the village of Asrik near the Armenian border. "There’s no Internet, newspapers are not delivered. We can only watch the state television channel, which is not interesting at all." Entertainment for young people in Mammadov’s village amounts to "Futprognoz," a take-off on the computerized betting system Totalizator, which can be accessed in towns throughout the South Caucasus. Mammadov’s dream is for an Internet café to come to his village – the closest one is 25 kilometers away in the regional center of Tovuz. "I heard about the Internet from friends who use it in Baku," he said. "It seems exciting." A whopping 77 percent of Azerbaijan’s estimated 700,000-800,000 Internet users live in Baku, with only six percent living outside of major regional cities, according to Osman Gunduz, head of the Internet Forum of Azerbaijan. The government has launched a program to diversify computer access by providing what Communications Minister Ali Abbasov terms "preferential prices" for the machines, but its impact on the regions is not yet known. Economic expert Huseynov, however, cautions that focusing on the obvious disparities between town and country in Azerbaijan can distort the picture. "It is wrong to allege that the oil boom did not touch the provinces at all," he said. " The economy is growing throughout the country, major infrastructure in regions is improved, new industrial facilities, and hotels are being opened there, tourism is developing." The State Program on Social and Economic Development of Regions, introduced in 2004, aims to address these imbalances by promoting the economy’s non-oil-dependent sectors. Huseynov and other experts see the program’s main value as introducing competition between local government heads. The Program’s 2006 report states that 80 percent of the 174,000 new jobs created in Azerbaijan last year were located outside of Baku. At the same time, state spending is building new roads, factories, schools, hospitals, and making some improvements with utilities. But outside of large regional cities, that situation deteriorates. Agriculture, the economic mainstay for Azerbaijan’s regions, has a relatively bleak outlook, one expert argues. Importing food is now cheaper than growing it domestically, said Inglab Ahmadov, director of the Public Finance Monitoring Center. "Paradoxically, our farmers are getting poorer while prices in the agriculture market are growing," Ahmadov elaborated. "The cost of products increases with their transportation to market and at the market itself." That situation contributes to a high rate of unemployment for women living in the regions. "Women have no jobs in the provinces, so they have to sit at home," commented Saida Hojamanly, chairwoman of the Bureau of Human Rights Protection, a Baku-based non-governmental organization. "There are no places except with family and children where women can apply themselves." As a result, outlets are few, she continued. "Even in relatively big regional cities like Mingachevir or Guba there are not a lot of women walking on the streets, not to mention sitting in cafes or restaurants. Everything in the regions is designed for men – sport facilities, cafes, restaurants, chaykhanas (tea houses)." While Azerbaijani legislation on gender may meet international standards, the reality falls short in the regions, added Mehriban Zeynalova, head of Temiz Dunya (Clean World), a support group for women. "The passivity of the local executive authorities and municipal governments too is a big problem," she said. A similar misbalance mars the overall human rights situation in the provinces, say activists. "The offices of all International organizations as well as the lion’s share of local human rights NGOs are located in Baku, so they operate more in the capital," commented Hajimurad Sadaddinov, president of the Baku-based Azerbaijani Foundation on Democracy Development and Human Rights. "People’s rights in the regions are being violated more often and crudely." Will these two "countries" ever become one? For now, economic expert Huseynov is skeptical. As long as the energy money continues to flow, he said, "Baku will remain the center of the country in all senses." Editor’s Note: Rovshan Ismayilov is a freelance journalist based in Baku. Rena Effendi is a freelance photojournalist also based in Baku. (www.eurasianet.org)