The Voice of Mirza Xazar: Category National history

Adil Baguirov: March 31 - A century-long Day of Sorrow

Mirza Khazar — Sun, 01 Apr 2007 04:24:31 -0400

March 31 - A century-long Day of Sorrow

Azerbaijan By Adil Baguirov, Ph.D.

In Azerbaijan, the March 31 is known as the Day of Genocide of Azerbaijanis, referring to the tragic events that started on March 30, 1918, and continued until April 1.

It is widely recognized, that the 20th century is the most violent, vicious and turbulent 100 year period of history, indeed known as the Century of Genocides.

It has been estimated, that some 200 million people have died due to the inhumanity of men towards each other. The word “genocide”, coined only after the WWII, has forever entered our daily lexicon, to give the legal definition to the worst crimes against humanity, massacres, slaughters and ethnic cleansing. Certainly, genocide represents a policy, a campaign carried out against a group of people over a period of time and consisting of otherwise seemingly isolated massacres and bloodshed.

In Azerbaijan, the March 31 is known as the Day of Genocide of Azerbaijanis, referring to the tragic events that started on March 30, 1918, and continued until April 1. A Yale University history professor F. Kazemzadeh, in one of the first comprehensive scholarly studies of the region in the US, wrote: “This three-day massacre by Armenians is recorded in history as the “March Events” and thousands of Muslims, old people, women and children lost their lives” (“The Struggle for Transcaucasia”, New York, 1951, p. 69).

Another distinguished professor of history at the University of Louisville, was even more blunt: “From 30 March to 1 April 1918, the Tatars [as Azerbaijanis were sometimes called] were attacked. Almost half of the Muslim population of Baku was compelled to flee the city.… Between 8,000 and 12,000 Muslims were killed in Baku alone.…” (Justin McCarthy, “Death and Exile. The Ethnic Cleansing of Ottoman Muslims 1821-1922”, Darwin Press, Princeton, NJ, 1995, p. 214).

“The truth is that the Armenians, under the guise of Bolshevism, rushed on the Muslims and massacred during a few frightful days more than 12,000 people, many of whom were old men, women, and children,” – continues Kazemzadeh. “The March Events, as this episode became known to history, touched off a series of massacred all over Azerbaijan. Brutalities continued for weeks…. Every Azerbaijani whom the Dashnak bands could catch was killed. [T]he “civil war” degenerated into a massacre, the Armenians killing Muslims irrespective of their political affiliation or social and economic position.”

For more scholarly accounts of the events, one might turn to the books by Tadeusz Swietochowski, professor of history at Manmouth University (“Russia and a Divided Azerbaijan”, Columbia University Press, 1995), or Michael Smith, professor of history at Purdue University (“The Russian Revolution as National Revolution: Tragic Deaths and Rituals of Remembrance in Muslim Azerbaijan (1907–1920),” Jahrbucher fur Geschichte Osteuropas, vol. 49, 2001).

However, some estimates put the number of massacred Azerbaijani victims in this particular event as high as 30,000. There are a multitude of other references, shocking us with the extent of the mass-murder of the days: from the founder of the Soviet state, Vladimir Lenin, where he briefly mentions the March 1918 events, by saying that the commissar S.Shaumyan, an ethnic Armenian leader of the Bolshevik and Dashnak forces, and the chief architect of the genocide throughout Azerbaijan, “turned Baku into an Armenian operated henhouse [slaughterhouse]”, to a letter from a British officer serving in Baku during the massacres of 1918 to his Whitehall superiors in which he refers to “river of blood” flowing down the streets and bodies dumped from ships into the Baku Bay by Armenians.

In his recent book, researcher R.Mustafayev writes that on August 31, 1918, for the first and last time the Armenian government itself has declared that only in one year Armenians killed 400 thousand Azerbaijanis, 120 thousand Georgians, 15 thousand Turks and others – all just in South Caucasus. In spite of the fact that government of Armenia has probably reduced the statistical data, this self-incriminating evidence bears a lot of weight (“Crimes of Armenian terrorist and bandit formations against the humanity {XIX-XXI centuries}”, Baku, 2002).

In reference to various attempts to downplay or even conceal the slaughter, Kazemzadeh notes, “No matter how obvious historical facts may be, there are always means of twisting them to suit a particular theory. The March Events are exactly such case. The facts are generally known, - there are enough of them to satisfy the most exacting historian, - and yet there is hardly a book which gives an impartial account or an objective evaluation of the great massacres.”

Nonetheless, revelations directly from Armenian sources abound, with the most typical self-confession being: “I killed Muslims by every means possible. Yet it is sometimes a pity to waste bullets for this. The best way is to gather all of these dogs and throw them into wells and then fill the wells with big and heavy stones, as I did. I gathered all of the women, men and children, threw big stones down on top of them. They must never live on this earth” (A. Laloyan, “Revolutsionniy Vostok” (Revolutionary East), No 2-3, Moscow, 1936. Quoted from Richard Hovannisian, “Armenia on the Road to Independence”, Berkeley, 1967, p. 41-42). Additional accounts could be found from Agop Zahoryan, Mikael Kaprilian, Ohanus Appressian, Sahak Melkonian, K. S. Papazian, and Leonard Ramsden Hartill, to name a few.

“As the Armenians found support among the Reds (who regarded the Tartars [Azerbaijanis] as a counter-revolutionary elements) the fighting soon became a massacre of the Tartar population” (W. E. D. Allen and Paul Muratoff, “Caucasian Battlefields”, Cambridge University Press, 1953, p. 481).

Writes the Rear-Admiral Mark L. Bristol, U.S. High Commissioner (Ambassador) in Istanbul, “While the Dashnaks [Armenian extremist party] were in power [1918-1920] they did everything in the world to keep the pot boiling by attacking Kurds, Turks and Tartars [Azerbaijanis]; by committing outrages against the Moslems; by massacring the Moslems; and robbing and destroying their homes. During the last two years the Armenians in Russian Caucasus have shown no ability to govern themselves and especially no ability to govern or handle other races under their power” (U.S. Library of Congress, “Bristol Papers,” General Correspondence Container #34). The Rear-Admiral continues, “I have it from absolute first-hand information that the Armenians in the Caucasus attacked Tartar (Muslim) villages that are utterly defenseless and bombarded these villages with artillery and they murder the inhabitants, pillage the village and often burn the village” (“Bristol Papers”, General Correspondence: Container #32: Bristol to Bradley Letter of September 14, 1920).

After the proclamation of the Azerbaijani Democratic Republic (ADR) on 28 May 1918, the “March Massacre” was investigated into by the Government. In 1919 and 1920, the ADR observed 31 March as a national day of mourning. This was the first attempt to make a political assessment of the policy of genocide against Azerbaijanis and of the occupation of the Azerbaijani lands for over a century.

Being unable to commemorate the tragedy during the Soviet years, the March 31 has been re-established in 1998, exactly 80 years after the bloodbath, to commemorate not just that particular massacre, but the policy of genocide carried out since the 19th century and throughout the entire 20th century, with the final act being the Khojaly Massacre (see BT op-ed, http://www.bakutoday.net/view.php?d=2945

The official position of Azerbaijan is that close to a million Azerbaijanis have been massacred in the 20th century as the result of Armenian genocidal campaign. This makes for a total of 2,5 million Azerbaijanis, Turks, Kurds, Georgians and other people who fell victim to the Armenian policies of cleansing the Caucasus for the creation of their state, which was supposed to stretch from the Black sea to the Caspian to the Mediterranean.

Today, Azerbaijan takes serious steps on the path of researching and preventing genocide, educating and outreaching about the history of extermination of its population. The basis is the March 26, 1998 presidential decree re-designating March 31 as the official day of commemoration, on the top of already separately commemorated recent tragedies, such as the Khojaly Massacre (February 25-26) and Black January (January 19-20). Next step has been the recently initiated process of collection of the relevant documents for pursuing the case in the court of The Hague. Moreover, a declaration has been circulated and signed in the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE), entitled “Recognition of the genocide perpetrated against the Azeri population by the Armenians” (PACE Doc. 9066 2nd edition, Written Declaration No. 324, 14 May 2001).

Aside from the obligation by the Azerbaijani state to carry on the political assessment of the policy of genocide against Azerbaijanis and of the occupation of the lands, the genocidal campaign can stop only after the Armenian aggression is stopped and all the currently illegally occupied lands of Azerbaijan are liberated.

Adil Baguirov is the founder of Zerbaijan.com -- Virtual Azerbaijan Resources (VAR) website (since 1995), Come.to/Khojaly -- first Khojaly Commemoration Website (since 1997), Habarlar-L Caspian Distribution List, Yeni Dostlar Network, and a frequent contributor on Azerbaijan-related matters. Javid Huseynov, a co-administrator of Habarlar-L and Yeni Dostlar, as well as a Ph.D. candidate, also contributed to this article.

URL: http://www.bakutoday.net/view.php?d=8480

Aydin Balayev: The Political-Ideological Doctrine of the Musavat Party in the Early Twentieth Century

Mirza Khazar — Fri, 05 Jan 2007 08:29:18 -0500

The Political-Ideological Doctrine of the Musavat Party in the Early Twentieth Century

Aydin Balayev

The Musavat party was a leading force in the liberation struggle of the Azeri nation in the early twentieth century, and to a great extent determined the political course of the national movement. Musavat was distinguished from other parties by the mixed social character of its membership, which was a reflection of the common national character of the party. In addition to representatives of the intelligentsia and medium-level people, it also included a significant stratum of working people and peasants and petty and medium bourgeoisie. M.E. Rasulzade, the indisputable leader of the party, emphasized at its second congress Musavat’s common national character and added, “our party is a people’s, but not a class party.”
The party recognized the division of the society into different social classes and groups, but at the same time came out in favor of their partnership and cooperation. This tenet of the party’s philosophy was afterwards reflected in Musavat’s theory of national solidarity. According to this theory, “the harmony of the interests of society and the individual” and “universal welfare” must provide the basis for cooperation. Leaders of the party declared that only “a Government which protects the interests not only of one privileged class but also of the entire population can be regarded as an authentic national Government.” This idea was aimed at achieving the consolidation of diverse social groups in the struggle for national liberation.

The party opposed the nationalization of enterprises and believed that “the full abolition of property in modern society will inevitably lead to the loss of personal initiative among people. With the loss of this factor the world will be deprived of variety and wealth, the development of social life will fall behind, people will again acquire primitive qualities and the world movement will be broken. But at the same time the party leadership stated that property should be protected only to the extent that it benefits the entire society.”

The idea of federalism was one of the basic principles of the party’s political program. The party favored the independent existence of each nation but also demanded close ties between these independent units on the basis of the principle of world federation. The party’s adherence to the idea of federalism is confirmed by the fact that after proclaiming the independence of Azerbaijan, the Musavat leaders forwarded the proposal on the confederation of the Caucasian states. A special resolution of the party’s second congress to this effect pledged: “To recognize the consolidation of the Caucasian republics into a free union of the Caucasian Confederation as desirable and urge the entire Caucasian democracy as well as the Governments of neighboring republics to promote the realization of this idea.”

The ideology of the Musavat party was a synthesis of the ideas of national liberation of the East with the democratic concepts of the West. Reflecting common human values and taking into consideration the historical and cultural traditions of the Azeri nation, Musavat’s leaders worked out their own concept of national development, which in the end, as they planned, would have promoted Azerbaijan’s membership within the family of civilized and developed countries of the world.

The idea of the Turkic community was another basic element of Musavat’s ideology. The idea developed in the nineteenth century when virtually all Turkic nations were in a position of colonial dependence on the European powers. The idea of the Turkic community derived mostly from the commonality of language as well as the shared culture and historical fates of theTurkic nations. The existence of such an idea was a manifestation of the national awakening of the Turkic nations. In its initial formulation, which Rasulzade called a “romantic pan-turanism,” the ideology envisaged the creation of a unified state of Turkic nations. However, events soon showed that this plan was not to be.

Nevertheless “romantic pan-turanism,” challenging colonialism on one side and on the other, the religious-Islamic ideology which at that time dominated the Turkic world, played its progressive role. The masses of the Turkic nation were revolutionized and actively embraced the struggle for national determination and independence.

By the early twentieth century, the time of the emergence of the national movement in Azerbaijan, the period of “romantic pan-turanism” has been already passed. By the way, this movement, which never acquired the form of a concrete political program, did not attract Musavat’s leaders. Rasulzade wrote that it”...was easy to understand that a movement with very contradictory tendencies certainly could not be successful in building the democratic structure of the new Azeri society, which was rising from the ruins of the feudal Middle Ages.”

The process of forming the Azeri nation assured a place for the idea of the Turkic community in the national ideology. Relations of ethnic kinship also played a decisive role in the political life of the Azeri nation. The leaders of Musavat proposed establishing relations between the Turkic nations not on the basis of their tribal identities, but on the basis of the interests of each nation. They renounced a unified Turkic state but maintained that only common interests in the struggle for national liberation and the consolidation of the forces of separate Turkic nations in this struggle could lead to the establishment of active contacts among them. Therefore, this was not a manifestation of panturkism, but rather a joint struggle for real and concrete national ideas.

M.E. Rasulzade stated that, “the leaders of the Musavat party were opposed to romantic pan-turanism.” “Panturanism,” he said, “is a utopia like Lenin’s communism and Magomed’s paradise.” The party recognized a community of national and cultural interests among all Turkic nations, but it regarded their union in a single state as impossible. It above all sought to achieve the liberation of Turkic nations and their transformation into independent states.

Musavat’s ideologists recognized Turkism not as a political, but as a “scientific-philosophical-aesthetic movement” which is a method of struggling for the cultural unification of the Turkic nations. “We are Narodniks in policy and Turkists in Culture!” stated M.E. Rasulzade.

Another important component of the party’s ideology was the idea of the solidarity of Muslim nations and countries. Musavat’s leaders interpreted Islamic solidarity as interaction and mutual assistance in a joint struggle for a common goal: the national liberation of Muslim nations from the colonial yoke of European powers. All this shared nothing in common with panislamism, of which Musavat’s leaders were traditionally accused in Soviet historiography.

Musavat consistently adhered to secular ideas. The party favored the exclusion (or at least the limitation of the activities) of clerics from fields having no direct relation to the performance of religious rites. On the other hand, the party was prepared to use and did use religion as a method of political struggle for national independence. Knowing that the centuries-old religious prejudices of the nation could not disappear within one day, party leaders used Islamic phraseology in their public speeches as a means to promote the struggle for independence and appeal to the most backward segments of the population. The leaders of Musavat understood that the top ranks of the Muslim clergy were being absorbed within the apparatus of the tsarist autocracy, and that top religious leaders were being used by the regime as accomplices in suppressing even moderate manifestations of the ideas of national liberation.

The top clergy disdained the spiritual agencies that were concentrated in its hands, openly interfering in religious politics on the side of the most reactionary forces. Statements by clerics denouncing Musavat as an enemy of Islam testify to the fact. In this connection M.E. Rasulzade said at the Musavat’s first party Congress in October 1917, “When a person enters the mosque, he must forget policy, party and ideology and pray only to God. The clergy must not be engaged in politics at all and the mosque should be neutral in the political struggle.” The principle of separation of church and state in the Azerbaijan Republic, which was initiated by Musavat, confirms the party’s position. Religion was deemed a private affair, thus enabling Azerbaijan to become the first secular state in the Muslim East.

Characterizing the party’s attitude to pan-islamism, M.E. Rasulzade wrote in his work “About Panturanism”: “Historical experience has showed that by giving birth to the theocratic-clerical-reactionary movement on the one hand, and blocking the appearance of national ideology in the Muslim world on the other, panislamism has hindered the awakening of national self-consciousness in these nations, delays their progress and prevents them from becoming independent. Therefore, the process of awakening of national self-consciousness should be strengthened, because it a primary source of any progress, and only the presence of a realized national “I” can be the basis of national independence.”

Thus, based on Turkic and Islamic solidarity, the Musavat party consistently came out in favor of the national independence of Azerbaijan. Musavat was the first Azerbaijani political organization to forward this idea, and for that it incurred the merciless criticism of the right as well as the left forces. The right accused the party of undermining the fundamentals and independence of Islam by “slogans of Azerbaijanism.” The left parties reproached Musavat for demanding the independence of Azerbaijan which “promotes the creation of the Khan-bek Government” and a breakdown between the leaders of the party and a unified revolutionary front of the working people.

The leadership of Musavat was very well aware of the fact that a strong and independent state can be created in Azerbaijan only on the basis of democratic values. It is not accidental that the main slogans of the party were “freedom, independence and democracy.”

Musavat’s leaders believed that a necessary element of democracy is the principle of national equality. The pivotal principle of the national policy was that Azerbaijan is the common motherland of all citizens living on its territory irrespective of their nationality. Musavat’s parliamentary declaration stated: “...freedom of press, speech, conscience, assemblies, unions and all other civil and national rights should be ensured by the law. Azerbaijan must be a free country... There should not be sons and stepsons in Azerbaijan - Armenian, Russian, Jewish, Georgian, German, Polish and other nations must enjoy the rights of cultural -national autonomy pertaining to all citizens of the Azerbaijan Republic.”

The party leader M.E. Rasulzade stressed that “we are approaching our national aspirations, but our desire is not domination over other nations or suppression of other nations. Our ideal is to work quietly and happily and jointly with other nations, to be an equal member of the world community and to try to be a cultural and progressive nation.”

Accusations against Musavat’s leaders, who often stated that “the Russian revolution brought freedom to the Turks of Russia,” of harboring anti-Russian sentiments are also groundless. The core of the party’s policy with regard to Russia is well-reflected in the following words of M.E. Rasulzade: “We do not have hostility toward the Russian nation, on the contrary, we wish only the best. But at the same time we are enemies of Russian imperialism, which took us into its chariot using violence and prevents us from regulating of our life and developing our culture as we would like.” The above-mentioned facts testify to the fact that Musavat was a reformist, national-democratic party occupying a left-centrist position in the national movement.

(http://ourworld.compuserve.com)

AZERBAIJANIS IN IRAN: EXPERIENCING A CULTURAL REAWAKENING

Mirza Khazar — Mon, 25 Sep 2006 15:27:00 -0400

EURASIA INSIGHT AZERBAIJANIS IN IRAN: EXPERIENCING A CULTURAL REAWAKENING Brenda Shaffer 8/02/04 Print this article Email this article The collapse of the Soviet Union helped foment a cultural reawakening among ethnic minorities in Iran. As reform-minded President Mohammad Khatami proceeds with the democratization of Iran’s political institutions, he and his supporters must contend with both conservative clerics [See Eurasia Insight Archive] and restive minorities. Balancing the concerns of all parties involved promises to be a difficult task. Iran is a multi-ethnic society in which approximately 50 percent of its citizens are of non-Persian origin. Minority groups include Arabs, Azerbaijanis, Baluchis, Kurds and Turkmens. These ethnic peoples are particularly vulnerable to external pressures, since most of the non-Persian people are concentrated in the frontier areas and have ties to co-ethnics in adjoining states, including Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Pakistan and Iraq. Azerbaijanis are the largest minority group, comprising up to one-third of Iran’s overall population of about 64 million. Indeed, the number Azerbaijanis in Iran is far greater than the 7 million in Azerbaijan proper. Many Azerbaijanis refer to most of northwest Iran as "south Azerbaijan." Within Iran, this region is divided into three administrative units: East Azerbaijan Province, West Azerbaijan Province and Ardabil Province, but many Azerbaijanis lives outside the northwestern provinces, especially in Tehran, where they comprise approximately half of the population of the city. The cultural rights and political activities of minorities were restricted under both the Pahlavi monarchy (1921-1979), and under the Islamic Republic (1979-present). Up until the establishment of the Pahlavi regime, the political leadership of Iran was mostly Azerbaijani-Turkic, and Turkic and Persian cultural elements both influenced the regime and the culture of the country. For much of the 20th century, Azerbaijanis were at the forefront of political activity in Iran. Major milestones include the 1920 Khiyabani-led revolt in the Azerbaijani provinces, and the establishment of the Autonomous Provincial Government in Azerbaijan (1945-46). The main city in the Azerbaijani provinces, Tabriz, was a center of the revolutionary activity that precipitated the fall of the Pahlavi regime, and Azerbaijani activists who rebelled against Ayatollah Khomeini effectively controlled Tabriz for over a month in December 1979. The Soviet collapse served as the catalyst for the cultural reawakening of Azerbaijanis in Iran. Research indicates that the establishment of the Republic of Azerbaijan in 1991 served as a stimulant for many Azerbaijanis in Iran to identify with the Azerbaijani ethnic group, though not necessarily with the new state itself. For instance, Iranian Azerbaijani university students have conducted a number of coordinated letter-writing campaigns calling for expansion of Azerbaijani rights within Iran. One of the most important developments affecting the collective identity of the Azerbaijanis in Iran was the widespread viewing of television programs from Turkey beginning in 1992. This seems to have produced important social consequences for the Azerbaijanis, whose language allows them to easily understand Turkish. Initially, the Iranian government, hoping to prevent a rise in cultural awareness of its Azerbaijani minority, adopted a policy of de facto support for Armenia in its war with Azerbaijan over control of Nagorno-Karabagh. Tehran acted in the belief that a weak Azerbaijani state would not serve as an attractive alternative Iranian Azerbaijanis. Subsequently, many Azerbaijanis in Iran, including elected representatives in parliament, exerted pressure on the Iranian government to alter its policy, achieving limited results. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Iran’s northwestern provinces have developed into important trade hubs, establishing direct relations with economic partners. Thus, they have circumvented Tehran. This new status has led them to make demands for greater resources from the central government. So far. the rise in Azerbaijani cultural awareness has not fostered significant separatist sentiment. However, it has placed pressure on officials in Tehran to loosen their grip on power. Many Azerbaijani’s support greater cultural rights and decentralization of the decision-making process. President Khatami, in attempting to strentgthen his political power base, has appealed to ethnic minorities, offering the prospect of wider cultural latitude. In addition, the president has sought to enlist the support of regional elites in his struggle with the conservative establishment in Tehran. While these policies are useful in the short-term in building a power base, Khatami may find that ethnic minorities, once empowered, may not be accepting of secondary status in the future. The rise in Azerbaijani identity serves as a challenge to both center-periphery relations, and to official Persian-linguistic and cultural dominance in Iran. The matter of cultural rights has emerged as an important issue in the political arena of Iran with broad implications for ongoing stability. It appears that the post-Islamic Revolution regime will have to redefine the relations with the ethnic minorities, especially if it continues with its democratization agenda. Editor’s Note: Brenda Shaffer is a post-doctoral fellow at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government. Posted August 2, 2004 © Eurasianet

The Khazars

Mirza Khazar — Wed, 02 Mar 2005 01:23:00 -0500

The Khazars

Written by Peter Wolfe, Machar – Washington Jeff Zolitor, Jewish Children's Folkshul - Philadelphia

At the height of their empire the tribe known as the Khazars controlled an area roughly encompassing The Ural Mountains to the Carpathian Range, the Caucusus,and much of the Black Sea. About 1/3 of what is now Eastern Europe, as well as much of the Asian Steppes came under direct control of the Khazars or one of their client states. The powers of the world at the time, Islam and Christianity, were pushing ever closer to a total domination of much of the populated world. The Eastern Caliphate with its seat in Baghdad, had begun to cross the Caucusus and had hoped to conquer the area of the Black Sea and Eastern Europe. The vast area separating the Eastern Christian Empire, or Byzantium and the Eastern Caliphate was home to numerous Turkic tribes, related by similarities in language origin and a common geographic ancestry. These tribes were mostly nomadic, expert horseman, fierce warriors, and inclined to remain unaffiliated with either the Christian or Islamic Empires. Over time one of those tribes, The Khazars, grew in both size and sophistication and in turn came to be the dominant buffer between Byzantiums' eastward designs, and Islams' westward advances. Trade between Christianity and Islam took place through the land of the Khazars. Both spheres of influence put intense pressure on the Khazars to adopt their religion and worldview, thereby tipping the balance of power in the area. The Khazars chose a diplomatic course that steered clear of favoring one over the other, earned the grudging respect of both and insured their status and independence. They chose to become Jews! There have been several stories of the Khazar conversion that have made it to us this day, coming from Moslem, Jewish and Christian sources. al Masudi, a traveler from the Eastern Caliphate wrote that the Byzantine Emperor forced the Jews to emigrate and they came to the Khazar country and found "an intelligent but uneducated race to whom they offered their religion. The natives found it better than there own and accepted it." In the late 950's, Hasdai ibn Shaprut, while serving the court of Abd al Rahman III, Caliph of the Umayyad Empire, the Western Islamic Caliphate in Spain, used his diplomatic ties to inquire about Jewish communities throughout the world and intervene on their behalf whenever possible. Hasdai first heard of the existence of the Khazars from merchant traders from Persia. Hasdai decided to send a delegation. He believed that the Khazars may have represented one of the ten lost tribes of Israel and were descendants from Palestine, as the Sephardim were. The letter contained a formal greeting, some detail of the current Caliph, and questions about the Jewish rituals of the Khazars. The response from Joseph included his version of the events that led to the conversion of the Khazars. In Joseph's version, his ancestor King Bulan, drove out the sorcerers and idolaters from his land. An angel later appeared to Bulan telling him he must worship the one true god, and in return he would "bless and multiply Bulan's offspring, and deliver his enemies into his hands and secure his kingdom to the end of the world." Joseph continues by relating how Bulan was again visited in a dream and bade to build a place of worship in which the Lord may dwell, for: "the sky and the skies above the sky are not enough to hold me". Bulan tells the angel that he wishes to carry out the endeavor but doesn't possess enough gold or silver to finance such an enterprise. The angel told Bulan to lead his armies into Armenia where a treasure of silver and gold awaits him. There are Arab and Armenian sources that relate stories about a Khazar invasion into the area in 731C.E., lead by "Bulkhan". These sources seem to fit very well with the time frame of Joseph's story and Arab sources relate the fact that the Khazars controlled gold and silver mines in the Caucasus. After the success in Armenia, "The King of Edom (Byzantium) and the King of the Ishmaelim (Muslims) heard the news and sent him envoys .... and learned men to convert him to their beliefs." Bulan was wise and also sent for a Jew. After long and futile discussions, the king decides to meet with the representatives' seperately. He asks the Christian which of the other two religions is nearer the truth. The Christian answers, the Jews". He then asks the Muslim the same question and gets the same answer, "the Jews". Since both Christianity and Islam believe that Judaism is nearer the truth, Bulan chooses to adopt the Jewish faith. Regardless of how or why it happened, once the conversion took place, Judaism seems to have become stratified into Khazar society, and those who could, mostly the ruling classes, did send their sons to study in the great academies in Spain and quite possibly the great Academy at Sura in Babylonia as well. The Kagan was a hereditary ruler who lived in seclusion, and established traditional law. By the 10th Century, the Kagan was reduced to a spiritual figurehead, and the real power was in the hands of the Bek, a person serving beside the Kagan. The Bek led the army and ran the government, with the Kagan remaining the Chief Judge. Under the Bek were a variety of administrative and military officials and local governors. While most were appointed, some localities elected leaders. The governors collected taxes on the products of blacksmiths, food and drink, and customs duties. A court, composed of two Jews, two Muslims, two Christians and one pagan, dealt primarily with trade issues. In the 720's the Khazar capital was the city of Samander, which was visited by the Arab traveler, Al-Istakhri. He later wrote that it had vineyards and gardens, and that Muslims and mosques were plentiful, as well as markets. A later traveler, Ibn Hauqal, said there were people of multiple religions living there, with mosques, churches and synagogues. In 750, Itil became the capital of Khazaria. Travelers wrote that only the royal and public buildings were made of brick; most homes were yurts, or felt covered tents. The Khazars also founded part of Kiev as an economic hub, where people engaged in jewelry making, blacksmithing, bone and stone carving, and ironworking. The Khazars grew grain and vegetables, using plows, hoes, sickles and scythes. They operated mills and created irrigation canals, and transported their goods in carts and on skiffs in the Volga River. They grew grapes and cherries and caught fish, bred domestic animals, and hunted wild animals, using arrows, spears, axes and lassos. Khazaria was an important trading center, on the crossroads of the trade routes between Europe and China. The Great Silk Road, long the center of trade between China and the West, was blocked to Christian traders by the Muslims, so Byzantium concentrated their trade to China through Khazaria. Khazars participated in trade, trading candlewax, honey and wine. They exported central silver dishes and coins, quilts, cotton, felt, and cushion covers to the Urals and beyond, and imported pottery from Armenia, Iraq and Iran. The traders included Jewish Radhanite merchants, traveling between Regensburg, Vienna and Kiev, Khazaria, Persia and China, trading cinnamon, musk, camphor, swords, silk, furs, and slaves; Viking Rus traders, who transported furs, foxskins and swordblades; Arabs, and perhaps Chinese. All traders paid custom duties, which were the main source of revenue for Khazaria. The Khazars held influence in the area as evidenced by the stories that have made there way to us from various sources. Cherson, a border city between Byzantium and Khazaria became the home in exile of the former Byzantine Emperor Justinian II. He managed to escape and make his was the Khazar city of Doros where formed an alliance with the Kagan to regain the throne, and the Kagan's sister was given to the former Emperor in marriage. In the meantime, Kagan Busir made a deal with the new Byzantium Emperor Tiberius III who offered a rich reward for Justinian, dead or alive. Busir ordered Justinian assassinated but when his wife, Busir's sister, heard of the plot, she warned her husband and the two were able to flee to the land of the Bulgars. The Bulgar king then made an alliance with Justinian and helped him regain his throne. During his second rein, Justinian had become overwhelmed with his hatred for the inhabitants of Cherson, now a Khazar town and sent expeditions against it. The Khazar army met the expeditionary force and upon being taken prisoner by the Khazars, Justinian's representative in the area, a man named Bardanes, promptly switched allegiance from the Bulgars and Justinian, to the Kazars, as did the entire Byzantine expeditionary force. The Byzantine armies deposed Justinian and elected Bardanes the new Emperor under the name of Philippicus. While Philippicus was deposed a few years later, the story goes to show the influence that the Khazars wielded over the destinies of the Eastern Empire. That the Khazars were astute and able enough to finesse their way onto the scene as a superpower is true enough. What we must also come to realize when discussing the extent of their empire and influence, is that the world map of Eastern Europe and Asia looks the way it does thanks in large part to the Khazars. Had Islam gained a permanent foothold in eastern Europe, the pressure on Christian western Europe may have been too great to sustain its Christian kingdoms. Had Christianity made permanent inroads into the central Asia, the Caliphate may have had to expend resources at it's northern border that could have zapped much needed resources from the war against the Crusaders. It is ironic that the most celebrated information we have on the Khazars, that being the Hasdai letters, were written by the Kagan who saw the destruction of his state. It wasn't pressure from the Caliph in the east, or the Emperor in the south that caused the eventual fall of the kingdom, it was the pagan hordes from the north, known variously as Vikings, Norsemen, and in the east, Varangians, or, the Rus. They were expert sailors, and fearless warriors on land. In the mid to late ninth century, there was conspicuous movement of the various tribes in Eastern Europe and Asia. The Magyars, long allies of the Khazars and their agents in the Steppes, had begun moving across the Don River. Prior to the move, they were charged with collecting tribute from the Slav and Finn people north of their domain. The Rus had now begun their sweep with a combination of savage warfare and plunder, and the Kagan needed help securing his eastern and northern borders. It seems that the relocation of the Magyar was a mutual arrangement. At about the same time, an agreement between Byzantium and the Khazars brought craftsmen, engineers and architects to Khazaria to help build a massive fortress on the Volga, just south of the Don River in their new capital, Itil. The fortress was known as Sarkel. It seems that the relocation of the Magyar and the construction of Sarkel were part of a combined strategy to halt the Rus advance. The strategy wasn't to last very long. In about 862C.E., the Rus conquered and occupied Kiev. At about the same time, in a global version of musical chairs, a tribe called the Pechenegs located in the area between the Volga and the Ural rivers and also ruthless according to Emperor Constantine, were retreating in advance of an onslaught from their neighbors to the east, the Ghuzz. The Pechenegs tried to cross the Don and settle in Khazaria but the Khazars beat them off. The Pechenegs continued their move to the west and confronted the relocated allies of the Khazars, the Magyar. In successive assaults, the Pechenegs continued to push the Magyar, and in 896, struck a deal with the Bulgars situated along the Danube. Constantine tells us that the Bulgars and the Pechenegs made a pact to annihilate the Magyar, and while the Magyar fighters were away on a campaign, the two tribes descended into the land of the Magyars and massacred their families. The Magyar warriors returned to find their families killed, their homes desolate and ruined. The once mighty Magyar then moved into present-day Hungary, were they remain to this day. With the Magyar gone the loss of Kiev was inevitable. The western tribes were no longer under the Kagan's control and the Rus could now rally the Slavonic tribes around the Dnieper River with the cry, "Pay no tribute to the Khazars". The loss of tribute and territory in the west was further exacerbated by the fact that the Rus were also following the Volga River down to the Caspian Sea, putting pressure on the Khazars from the east. In 910C.E., the goal of the Rus was to sack the rich cities of the Caliphate along the Caspian, but each time a flotilla traveling down the Volga passed the Khazarian capital of Itil, they were required to solicit permission, and pay customs duty. The Russians were not pleased with the arrangements, and the Khazars were equally perturbed because of their friendly relations with the Caliphate at the time. In 913 the matter exploded when the Russian fleet entered the Caspian Sea and once again set their sites on the Islamic cities around it. The Rus were particularly brutal and destroyed all that stood in their way, including woman and children. They raped and pillaged, raided and burned and even made incursions inland. With the Magyars gone, Kiev gone and the Dnieper River firmly in the hands of the Vikings, control of the Black Sea was wavering. In 945, Byzantium entered into a commercial treaty with the prince of Kiev, Prince Ingvar - (later Igor), who was leader of the western Russian activities. The Rus were beginning the process of assimilating into Slavic culture, adopting Slavic names, and in the process becoming closer with the Christian Empire. The good relations that the Khazars had enjoyed with Byzantium were becoming strained under the pressure being applied to their western frontier, and another, less overt action. In 957 during a state visit, Helga - (later Olga), Igors's widow accepted baptism from no less than, the Byzantine Emperor Constantine himself. This small act sealed the fate of the Khazars. Svyatoslav would hear none of this, and continued his brutal assault on everything Khazar. In an action against one of the Khazars tribute tribes south of Moscow, the Prince of Kiev decided to turn south and head for the Don River. One chronicler has the Prince, in true Viking form, sending messengers to the Khazars and announcing: "I am coming upon you". When the Kagan heard of the approach, he sent the army out to meet them. The Rus won the day, and took control of the Don River. The Khazars fortress on The Don, Sarkel, fell to the Russians in 965. Arthur Koestler, in his book 'The Thirteenth Tribe: The Khazar Empire and Its Heritage argues that the defeated Khazars were the predominant ancestors of the Ashkenazic Jews. He based his theories on immigrations of the Khazars to Eastern Europe, which is supported by various types of evidence, some of which he cited, and some cited later by Kevin Brook. Before the destruction of Khazaria, some Khazars joined the Magyars and migrated to Hungary. They were among the soldiers protecting Hungary's borders. In the 10th Century, Hungarian Duke Taksony, son of a Khazar princess and Magyar royalty, invited Khazar Jews to settle in Hungary. If it is to be believed, a Byzantine chronicle indicates that many Hungarian troops in the 12th Century observed Jewish law. According to Martin Gilbert, Jews migrated from Khazaria to Lithuania in 1016, and Jews from Vilnius claim Khazar ancestry. Documents and archeological finds indicate that Khazars founded glass factories in Grodno. These similarities may support the idea of a Khazar influence in Eastern Europe, but they hardly support an argument that the Khazars were the predominant ancestors of the Ashkenazic Jews. The greatest evidence against a significant Khazar ancestry for Ashkenazic Jews is DNA testing. Data shows that the predominant origin of Ashkenazic Jews has been the Middle East. This indicates that the role of the native-born Khazars as a source of Ashkenazic Jews was minor. However, there is some genetic evidence that characteristics of some Ashkenazic Jews are shared by Armenians and Turks, and Jews from the Balkans. The documentary and archeological evidence for a Khazar origin is stronger in Hungary and the Ukraine. Still, the sources I have examined seem to show that the influence of the Khazarian Jews in those areas, no matter how large or small, was overwhelmed by the emigration of western Jews. Another reason for the slight DNA differences in some Ashkenazic Jews may be intermarriage. Jews converted and intermarried with others in ancient Israel, in the Roman Empire and in Medieval Europe. There is no reason to think that it did not occur in Central Asia as well. Jews from Crimea and the Byzantine Empire, who may have originated in the Middle East intermarried with the Turks. Genetic tests show that intermarriage occurred far less with Jews than in the population as a whole, and in certain groups, like the Kohanim, it happened very little at all. This infrequent intermarriage could well have been enough to account for any genetic marker differences. http://www.csjo.org/pages/khazars.php

The Tats: Their Roots, Their Destiny

Mirza Khazar — Sat, 26 Feb 2005 21:46:00 -0500

The Tat of Azerbaijan number about 22.000. The majority of the Tat live in Dagestan, in Kaitag, Magaramkend, Derbent and Makhachkala. A small number have settled in North Caucasia - Gorny and Nalchik. The Tat descend from Iranian tribes that moved into the Caucasian mountains in the 5th and 6th centuries. The Tat of Azerbaijan live in the mountain valleys of the north and north-eastern parts of Azerbaijan, along the Russian border, with important concentrations in Krasnaya Sloboda and Oguz. A large number also live in and around Baku. The Tat include three groups: Muslim (90% Shia), Christian and Jewish Tats - the latter also known as Mountain Jews. There's some debate on the origin of the Jewish Tat, with some defending that they are not Tat at all but simply Jews that took the Tat language, while others argue that they are the descendants of Tats that converted to Judaism. The Turks originally coined the term 'Tats' to designate settled groups of non-Turkic origin. Alternative designations for the Tatsare 'Tatians' and 'Dagchufuts'. Muslim, Christian and Jewish Tats speak a a unique New-Persian (so Indo-European) language known as Tati. Because no alphabet exists for Tati, they use Azeri for their written and literary language. Although the Tat have been an agricultural people from the beginning of their history, they have also developed a strong urban community. Farmers living in the valleys raise wheat, barley, maize, grapes and cattle. Those living in mountain villages raise sheep, bulls and buffaloes. In the north-eastern area, communities consisting of 80 to 120 households are located in mountain settlements built on ledges. The availability of water determines the villages' location, each village contains a religious building, a bath area, a well, as well as family dwellings. The rural Tat usually live in one or two story homes, which are constructed of rectangular shaped natural stones cemented with clay mortar. The houses feature flat roofs and front porches supported by wooden pillars. Families living in two-story homes use the upper floor for living quarters and the lower floor for working space. The Tat are considered a closed society because they insist on maintaining ethnic purity by allowing marriage only within the tribe. Anyway, for such a small ethnic group, this is the only strategy for survival. sources: (azerb.com multimap, bethany, Red Book of the Peoples of the Russian Empire

RELIGION IN AZERBAIJAN

Mirza Khazar — Sat, 26 Feb 2005 15:54:00 -0500

RELIGION IN AZERBAIJAN The prophet Zoroaster (Zarathustra), who was born in the seventh century B.C. in what is now south Azerbaijan, established a Zoroastrianism, a religion focused on the cosmic struggle between a supreme god and an evil spirit. The doctrines preached by Zoroaster are preserved in his metrical Gathas (psalms), which form part of the sacred scripture known as the Avesta. It became the state religion of Persia and spread into central Asia. Christianity arrived early to the area, with the mission of St. Eliseus reaching Caucasian Albania in the 1st century AD. By the 3rd century the Apostolic Autocephalous church was fully established and religious and cultural live was thriving. North of Araz river (Caucasian Albania or Aluania), Christianity became the main religion and gained state recognition in the 5th century after St. Grigor the Illuminator converted and baptized its king, Urnayr. But the cultural and religious influence of Europe had its days counted, as Islam arrived in Azerbaijan with Arab invaders in the seventh century A.D., gradually supplanting Christianity in north Azerbaijan, and Zoroastrianism in the south, as well as causing the extinction of Azeri pagan cults. In the seventh and eighth centuries, many Zoroastrians fled Muslim persecution and moved to India, where they became known as Parsis. Until Soviet Bolsheviks ended the practice, Zoroastrian pilgrims from India and Iran traveled to Azerbaijan to worship at sacred sites, including the Surakhany Temple on the Apsheron Peninsula near Baku. In the sixteenth century, the first shah of the Safavid Dynasty, Ismail I (r. 1486-1524), established Shia Islam as the state religion, although large numbers of Azeris remained followers of the other branch of Islam, Sunni. The Safavid court was subject to both Turkic (Sunni) and Iranian (Shia) influences, however, which reinforced the dual nature of Azeri religion and culture in that period. As elsewhere in the Muslim world, the two branches of Islam came into conflict in Azerbaijan. Enforcement of Shia Islam as the state religion brought contention between the Safavid rulers of Azerbaijan and the ruling Sunnis of the neighboring Ottoman Empire. In the nineteenth century, under Russian protection, many Christians settled in Azerbaijan. These were not only Orthodox Russians, but also Armenians fleeing the Ottoman empire, and even Protestants like the Molokans. Many Sunni Muslims emigrated from Russian-controlled Azerbaijan because of Russia's series of wars with their coreligionists in the Ottoman Empire. Thus, by the late nineteenth century, the Shia population was in the majority in Russian Azerbaijan. Antagonism between the Sunnis and the Shia diminished in the late nineteenth century as Azeri nationalism began to emphasize a common Turkic heritage and opposition to Iranian religious influences. At present, about three-quarters of Azeri Muslims are, at least nominally, Shia of the Jafarite rite (the main Shia branch). In the 1989 census 87 percent of the population declared to be Muslim - with the exit of many Russians and all Armenians this percentage is now above 90%. Data is not available on the number of Sunnis. Azerbaijan's next largest official religion is Christianity, represented mainly by Russian Orthodox and Armenian Apostolic groups. The Jewish community counts about 16.000 souls. Some rural Azeri retain pre-Islamic shamanist or animist beliefs, such as the sanctity of certain sites and the veneration of certain trees and rocks. Before Soviet power was established, about 2,000 mosques were active in Azerbaijan. Most mosques were closed in the 1930s, then some were allowed to reopen during World War II. In the 1980s, however, only two large and five smaller mosques held services in Baku, and only eleven others were operating in the rest of the country. Supplementing the officially sanctioned mosques were thousands of private houses of prayer and many secret Islamic sects. Beginning in the late Gorbachev period, and especially after independence, the number of mosques rose dramatically. Many were built with the support of other Islamic countries, such as Iran, Oman, and Saudi Arabia, which also contributed Qurans and religious instructors to the new Muslim states. A Muslim seminary has also been established since 1991. As in the other former Soviet Muslim republics, religious observances in Azerbaijan do not follow all the traditional precepts of Islam. For example, drinking wine is normal practice, and women are not veiled or segregated. During World War II, Soviet authorities established the Muslim Spiritual Board of Transcaucasia in Baku as the governing body of Islam in the Caucasus, in effect reviving the nineteenthcentury tsarist Muslim Ecclesiastical Board. During the tenures of Leonid I. Brezhnev and Mikhail S. Gorbachev, Moscow encouraged Muslim religious leaders in Azerbaijan to visit and host foreign Muslim leaders, with the goal of advertising the freedom of religion and superior living conditions reportedly enjoyed by Muslims under Soviet communism. In the early 1980s, Allashukur Humatogly Pashazade was appointed sheikh ul-Islam, head of the Muslim board. With the breakup of the Soviet Union, the Muslim board became known as the Supreme Religious Council of the Caucasus Peoples. In late 1993, the sheikh blessed Heydar Aliyev at his swearing-in ceremony as president of Azerbaijan. Article 18 of the Azeri constitution, mandating no state religion, allows for all faiths to practice their religion freely. Following independence there has been both a Muslim revival and a rise in nationalism. (souce: Library of Congress)

HISTORY OF AZERBAIJAN

Mirza Khazar — Sat, 26 Feb 2005 06:28:00 -0500

HISTORY OF AZERBAIJAN

Ancient Empires

Several ancient tribes inhabited the land of Azerbaijan, and some areas became known after these tribes: Caspian, Mannai, Media and Caucasian Albania. Some of the states that emerged in the area from the 3rd millennium BC were powerful and quite advanced, specially the Mannai and the Medes. The Medes invaded the kingdom of the Mannai in the Xth century BC. The Medes, an ancient Indo-European people, ancestors of the modern Kurds, eventually built their empire, Media, stretching as far west as Cappadocia. By the 8th century BC Media was raided and settled - but not defeated - by the Scynthians, coming from the banks of the Black sea. In 550 BC the king of the Medes, Astyages, was defeated and imprisoned by his grandson Cyrus II the Great, and the region was first integrated into the Persian empire. This mighty state reached from the Caspian to the Indian ocean. Only the Greeks resisted the power of Persia, and defeated first Darius I at Marathon and then his son Xerxes I at Salamina and Plateias. By the 4th century BC they reached Azerbaijan, under Alexander the Great, who defeated Darius III at Isso, Granic and Erbil, and later reached the heart of the Persian empire, destroying Persepolis itself. The king of minor Media, Atropat, seized this moment to proclaim his country's independence. The lands north of the Araz river were called Atropatene, after him. (while most popular story regarding the origin of the name Azerbaijan traces it to the Persian word for fire 'azer', another version derives the name from Atropatene). After Alexander's death his empire fragmented and Azerbaijan was integrated in the area controlled by one of his generals: Seleucus. He ruled over the Persian empire and founded the Seleucid dynasty. Seleucid power was eclipsed by the Parthians / Partas and these fought against Europeans again. This time the invaders were not the Greeks, but the Romans, who called the region Albania. They had a presence in the area for about 300 hundred years. Marc Antony was defeated by the Parthians in Ganzaca. Nevertheless the Roman empire made important advances under the Spanish born emperor Trajan. Christianity also arrived early, with the mission of St. Eliseus reaching Caucasian Albania in the Ist century AD. In spite of some successes, by 115 AD Rome withdrew after Trajan's armies were affected by the plague. (In Gobustan you can still find inscriptions left by the Romans and the Greeks). A revolt against the Parthians succeeded in 226 taking to power a new dynasty, the Sassanids / Sassanains. By the 3rd century the Apostolic Autocephalous church was fully established and religious and cultural live was thriving. North of Araz river (Caucasian Albania or Aluania), Christianity was widely accepted in the Vth century after St. Grigor the Illuminator converted and baptized its king, Urnayr. The first Sassanid king, Ardashir I, had to face a new war with Rome from 229 to 232. He revived Zoroastrianism as the official religion and during his reign the collection of texts known as the Zend Avesta was assembled. Ardashir I was succeeded by Shapur I who again had to face war with Rome. His death resulted in three decades (271-301) of dynastic struggles. In 387 Caucasian Albania, following the partition of Armenia between Byzantine empire and Sassanid Persia was merged with the new Persian acquisition to form the Ran province. By 409, during the reign of Yezdigird the Wicked, Christians were permitted to publicly worship and to build churches. Later he changed his mind and from 416 till 420 the Sassanid Christians were persecuted. During the reign of Varahran V the war with Rome re-awakens and in 424 the Council of Dad-Ishu declares the Eastern Church independent of Constantinople. By 483 an edict of toleration was granted to Christians. In 491 the Armenian Church repudiated the Council of Chalcedon and Nestorian Christianity became the dominant Christian branch in the Sassanid Empire. In the reign of Anshurwan the Just (531-579) a "Treaty of Endless Peace" with Rome is signed, but ironically war started again. The next Sassanid king, Khusru Parviz, had to face not only war with Rome (603-610 and 627) but also a defeat by the arab army, at Dhu-Qar. Yezdigird III, the last Sassanid king, saw the arab Muslims invade Iraq culminating in 642 with the destruction of the Persian army at Nehawand. During the first four decades of the 7th century a Christian Azerbaijan resisted fiercely to the arab invaders, under the last Albanian king - Javanshir. Under the early Caliphate Barda became the main seat of power, and the area became the province of "ar-Ran", later Arran. By 642 the Muslim arabs finally completed their conquest of the Sassanids. In spite of this invasion, the arabs never exerted direct rule, but used local chieftains instead, however they managed to Islamize the area.

XI to XVIII century

By the XIth century the arabs were replaced by new masters: the Seljuk Turks. Seljuk tribes migrated west the 10th and 11th centuries, and by 1018 the warlord Chagri Bey reached Azerbaijan. The Seljuk Turks moved further west defeating Byzantines in 1071 at the battle of Malazgirt, opening the door of Anatolia, and starting the end of European presence in what is modern day Turkey. There was a steady flux of population and by the 14th century Azerbaijan was inhabited by people of mixed Persian-Turkish origin. There was also a gradual replacement of the Persian language by a Turkic dialect that evolved into modern Azeri. However not even the Turks could resist the overwhelming power of the Mongol hordes led by Temudjin (known as Genghis Khan: "Universal Sovereign", but baptized by the Muslims as the "Scourge of God"). Gengis Khan's soldiers devastated Azerbaijan with legendary cruelty in the XIIIth century. Nevertheless Mongol power was usurped by the Tartar warlord Timur Lenk (also known as Tamerlane - the legend has it that he invented the game of chess). Timur became king of Transoxiana and built a new Persian empire. The empire that he had built could not be kept together by his descendents, none of whom shared the same iron will that he had possesed. As had happened with Gengis Khan's empire, factions soon developed, and vassals on the periphery of the Timurid domains quickly seized their chance to assert their independence. Shortly after Timur's death, little was left of the former empire except for Transoxiana and Afghanistan. However, although the size of the Timurid empire was drastically reduced, his successors went on to usher in the Muslim equivalent of the European Renaissance, centered in the cities of Samarkand and Herat. (Soviet history presented Timur as a bloodthirsty tyrant responsible for of 17 million deaths. But in a remarkable case of rewriting history, the Uzbek government has rehabilitated Timur and transformed him into a national hero). Timur's descendants ruled the Persian empire from 1405 till 1499, when a native Azeri dynasty emerged: the Sefavids. Shah Ismail made Shia Islam the official religion of his kingdom, imposing it with great cruelty on the Sunni population therefore setting the Azeris firmly apart from the Sunni Ottoman Turks. The Sefavid dynasty, that built a new Iranian kingdom through vigorous centralization policy, eventually lost its Azeri character. During the two and a half centuries of Safavid rule, although there was constantly war with the Ottoman Turks in the northwest, Uzbeks on the east and for a time even the Portuguese in the Persian Gulf, the arts, specially architecture, carpet weaving and miniature painting, rose to great heights. The Sefavid dinasty came to an end in 1722, undermined by the rivalry with the Ottoman Empire, internal strife as well as an Afghan invasion. In 1747 Shah Nadir, who had established his hold over Persia a decade before, was killed in a coup. His empire fell into chaos, effectively ending Persia's direct control over Azerbaijan, where local principalities (khanates) emerged. Most of them were virtually independent, although the southern khanates still maintained tenous links to the Zand dynasty of Persia. With a mostly Shia Muslim population, Azerbaijan remained on Persia's political and religious sphere of influence until the nineteenth century. Quba's ruler, Fatali Khan, tried to create a unified Azeri state by annexing the neighbouring Khanates, but Russia ended his dreams. In 1795 Russian troops took Shemakha and vast territories in northern Azerbaijan, but were repelled by strong Persian forces of the cruel Aga Mohammad (Qajar dynasty). In 1796 the death of Catherine the Great and the ascension to power of Paul I (the mad tsar) meant a suspension in Russian incursions.

XIX Century

During the first years of the 19th century Russia re-awoke her expansionist dreams in the caucasus. First the tsar's armies occupied Georgia and during 1806 and 1807 conquered most of Azerbaijan. By 1807 Nakhchivan was the only khanate to remain independent. The Russians attacked Persia in 1813, with Persia in decline under Shah Fath Ali, the Azeri khanate was ceded to the Russian Tzar Alexander I, bringing the northern part of Azerbaijan to the European sphere of influence. In the treaty of Gulistan Persia and Russia agreed that Azerbaijan would be divided along the Araz River, with Russian Azerbaijan north of the river, and Iranian Azerbaijan to the South. In 1826 Persia again challenged Russian hold over the region, but was defeated in the decisive battle of Ganja, and soon Russian troops seized Tabriz. The arrangements that define today's borders were made in 1828 in the treaty of Turkmanchay, between Russia and Persia. The Azeri land south of the Araz River remained part of Persia and now integrates the Islamic Republic of Iran. In the nineteenth century, Russian influence over daily life in Azerbaijan was less pervasive than that of indigenous religious and political elites and the cultural and intellectual influences of Persia and Turkey. During most of the nineteenth century, the Russian Empire extracted commodities from Azerbaijan and invested little in the economy. However, the exploitation of oil in Azerbaijan at the end of the nineteenth century brought an influx of Russians into Baku, increasing Russian influence and expanding the local economy.

XXth Century

Although ethnic Russians came to dominate the oil business and government administration in the late 1800s, many Azeris became prominent in particular sectors of oil production, such as oil transport on the Caspian Sea. Armenians also became important as merchants and local officials of the Russian monarchy. The population of Baku increased from about 13,000 in the 1860s to 112,000 in 1897 and 215,000 in 1913, making Baku the largest city in the Caucasus region. At this point, more than one-third of Baku's population consisted of ethnic Russians. In 1905 social tensions erupted in riots and other forms of death and destruction as Azeris and Armenians struggled for local control and Azeris resisted Russian sovereignty. The oil boom, transformed the capital of the northern part of Azerbaijan, Baku, into a cosmopolitan, industrial centre, with a large proletariat living and working in appalling conditions and Russian control. As such, the city was a receptive target for both nationalist groups and the early Bolshevik movement: activists, including the young Joseph Stalin, cut their political teeth fomenting discontent among Baku oil workers. A leftist party calling itself Himmat (Equality), composed mainly of Azeri intellectuals, was formed in 1903-4 to champion Azeri culture and language against Russian and other foreign influences. A small Social Democratic Party (which later split into Bolshevik and Menshevik factions) also existed, but that party was largely dominated by Russians and Armenians. Some members of Himmat broke away and formed the Musavat (Equality Party) in 1912. This organization aimed at establishing an independent Azeri state, and its progressive and nationalist slogans gained wide appeal. Himmat's Marxist coloration involved it in wider ideological squabbles in the period leading up to the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution in Russia. After several further splits, the remainder of Himmat was later absorbed into the Russian Communist Party (Bolshevik) . Oil wealth precipitated a prolonged power struggle in Baku following the 1917 revolution. The nationalists initially seized control and enlisted the support of the British, who allegedly authorised the execution, in 1918, of 26 leading local communists (the 'Baku Commissars'), in an unsuccessful attempt to destroy the Bolshevik power base in the oil industry. After the Bolshevik Revolution, a mainly Russian and Armenian grouping of Baku Bolsheviks declared a Marxist republic in Azerbaijan. Muslim nationalists separately declared the establishment of the Azerbaijan People's Democratic Republic in May 1918 and formed the "Army of Islam," with substantial help from the Ottoman Turkish army, to defeat the Bolsheviks in Baku. The Army of Islam marched into the capital in September 1918, meeting little resistance from the Bolshevik forces. After some violence against Armenians still residing in the city, the new Azeri government, dominated by the Musavat, moved into its capital. Azerbaijan was occupied by Ottoman Turkish troops until the end of World War I in November 1918. British forces then replaced the defeated Turks and remained in Azerbaijan for most of that country's brief period of independence. Facing imminent subjugation by the Red Army, Azerbaijan attempted to negotiate a union with Persia, but this effort was mooted when the Red Army invaded Azerbaijan in April 1920. Russian leader Vladimir I. Lenin justified the invasion because of the importance of the Baku region's oil to the Bolsheviks, who were still embroiled in a civil war. The Red Army met little resistance from Azeri forces because the Azeris were heavily involved in suppressing separatism among the Armenians that formed a majority in the Nagorno-Karabakh (Daqliq Qarabaq) area of southcentral Azerbaijan. In September 1920, Azerbaijan signed a treaty with Russia unifying its military forces, economy, and foreign trade with those of Russia, although the fiction of Azeri political independence was maintained. The soviet invasion began a seventy-one-year period under total political and economic control of the state that became the Soviet Union in 1922. The borders and formal status of Azerbaijan underwent a period of change and uncertainty in the 1920s and 1930s, and then they remained stable through the end of the Soviet period in 1991. In late 1921, the Russian leadership dictated the creation of a Transcaucasian federated republic, composed of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia, which in 1922 became part of the newly proclaimed Soviet Union as the Transcaucasian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic (TSFSR). In this large new republic, the three subunits ceded their nominal powers over foreign policy, finances, trade, transportation, and other areas to the unwieldy and artificial authority of the TSFSR. In 1936 the new "Stalin Constitution" abolished the TSFSR, and the three constituent parts were proclaimed separate Soviet republics. In mid-1920 the Red Army occupied Nakhichevan, an Azeri enclave between Armenia and northwestern Iran. The Red Army declared Nakhichevan a Soviet socialist republic with close ties to Azerbaijan. In early 1921, a referendum confirmed that most of the population of the enclave wanted to be included in Azerbaijan. Turkey also supported this solution. Nakhichevan's close ties to Azerbaijan were confirmed by the Russo-Turkish Treaty of Moscow and the Treaty of Kars among the three Transcaucasian states and Turkey, both signed in 1921. Lenin and his successor, Joseph V. Stalin, assigned pacification of Transcaucasia and delineation of borders in the region to the Caucasian Bureau of the Russian Communist Party (Bolshevik). In 1924 the bureau formally designated Nakhichevan an autonomous republic of Azerbaijan with wide local powers, a status it retains today. The first communist president of Azerbaijan was the activist and writer Nariman Narimanov. In the 'honey moon' period of the Soviet state Narimanov became a popular leader, although responsible for numerous killings and deportations. In the end Narimanov was murdered by Stalin's agents (1925). The 1930's brought an intensification of the purges under Stalin's paranoia. The crackdown on all forms of religion was particularly hard, targeting not only the people but also the buildings. During this period the both magnificent Alexanber Nevski Cathedral and the holiest islamic site in Baku, the Bibi Heibat shrine, were demolished. The German flag never flew over Baku, and World war II didn´t directly touch Azeri territory However the war affected the country in a number of ways, not all negative, as we'll see below. The German Wehrmacht and Luftwaffe mounted great pressure on the Caucasus region, in order to make more resouces availabel to the oil thirsty German war machine. Germany managed to push the Soviets eastards and in the summer of 1941 they occupied Grozny in Chechnya and were at the doors of Astrakhan, leaving only a thin corridor along the Caspian to link Azerbaijan with the rest of the USSR. Eventualy the German High Command, not having learned the lessons from the French, had its troops pushed back by the Russian winter, not without costing the lives of many Azeri soldiers, fighting both with the Red Army and the Wehrmacht (mainly the 162nd Turkoman Infantry Division). Before the Germans had a chance to have their faces caressed by the Caspian winds, Britain and the USSR became allies in 1941 and immediately mounted a joint invasion of Persia. The purpose was tree-fold: to protect the Soviet rear from a German drive through the Caucasus, to provide a supply route to the USSR and to protect the strategic Bagdad-Khanaquin-Kermanchah-Hamadan-Teheran route. On August 1941, British and American troops took over southern Persia and the Red Army occupied South Azerbaijan. In 1942 a trilateral agreement was signed by Britain, Russia and Iran, stipulating that the allied troops should leave Iran "during the six months following the end of the war". During the occupation the about five million tons of war supplies reached the USSR through this Persian corridor. During 1944 divisions between the allies become clear as the British and Americans extend their control of the Iranian oil resources with an agreement between Anglo-Iranian and Standard Oil and the Soviets demand the creation of a mixed Soviet-Iranian oil company for South Azerbaijan. By the spring of 1945, the Fuhrer of the German Reich was dead and its armies had surrendered. Soon after the end of the war the British and American troops departed. But the USSR refused to withdraw. The Red Army remained. It looked as if it was there to stay. In fact, in 1945, Stalin sought to unite the Azeri Soviet Republic with (Iranian) South Azerbaijan, which had (and still has) a majority Azeri population. In their zone of occupation the Soviets proclaimed a Republic with its capital in Tabriz, headed by Jafar Pishevari and supported by the Toudeh communists. The Soviet refusal to leave originated was a wave of international protest and the case reached to the UN Security Council. Public opinion forced the USSR to retreat in May 1946. The Pishevari Republic collapses, and Teheran regains control of South Azerbaijan. Following this new separation between north and south Azerbaijan, the north spent the next forty five years as a minor Soviet Republic. During Stalin's regime, Azerbaijan suffered, as did other Soviet republics, from forced collectivization and far-reaching purges. Yet during the same period, Azerbaijan also achieved significant gains in industrialization and literacy levels that were impressive in comparison with those of other Muslim states of the Middle East at that time. After Stalin Moscow's intrusions were less sweeping but nonetheless authoritarian. In 1959 Nikita S. Khrushchev, first secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), moved to purge leaders of the Azeri Communist Party (ACP) because of corruption and nationalist tendencies. Leonid I. Brezhnev, Khrushchev's successor, also removed ACP leaders for nationalist leanings, naming Heydar Aliyev in 1969 as the new ACP leader. Heydar Aliyev emerged as the most influent Azeri politician during the post war years was, successively head of the Azeri KGB (1967), head of the republic itself (1969), and then a full member of the Soviet Politburo (1982) and first deputy chaiman of the USSR Council of Ministers. However Mikhail S. Gorbachev removed Aliyev in 1987, ostensibly for health reasons, although later Aliyev was accused of corruption. As the Soviet Union started to break up towards the end of the 1980s, it was the issue of Nagorno-Karabakh that proved decisive in Azerbaijan's political development. Popular discontent over the progress of the war led to the marginalisation of the Communist Party in Azerbaijan and the rise of the nationalist Popular Front during the late 1980s. Encouraged by the mood of Perestroika and Glasnost, in February 1988 the Nagorno-Karabagh Regional Assembly formally requested that the region be transferred to neighbouring Armenia. Moscow rejected this request. By the end of February 1988, the situation became worse with incidents between Armenians and Azeris in Sumgait. Soviet troops were called in to restore order. In November 1988 violence once again broke out in several cities. In the fall of 1989, the nationalist opposition Azeri Popular Front (APF) led a wave of protest strikes expressing growing political opposition to Azeri Communist Party rule. Under this pressure, the ACP authorities bowed to opposition calls to legalize the APF and proclaim Azeri sovereignty. In September 1989, the Azeri Supreme Court passed a resolution of sovereignty, among the first such resolutions in the Soviet republics. The resolution proclaimed Azerbaijan's sovereignty over its land, water, and natural resources and its right to secede from the Soviet Union following a popular referendum. The Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, the legislative body of the Soviet Union, declared this resolution invalid in November 1989. Another manifestation of nationalist ferment occurred at the end of 1989, when Azeris rioted along the Iranian border, destroying border checkpoints and crossing into Iranian provinces that had Azeri majorities. Azeri intellectuals also appealed to the Politburo of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union for relaxation of border controls between Soviet and Iranian Azerbaijan, comparing the "tragic" separation of the Azeri nation to the divisions of Korea or Vietnam.

the 1990s

In January 1990 Soviet tanks were brought into Baku, allegedly to prevent pogroms of Armenians which were taking place in the city. The exercise, in the course of which more than 100 Azeris were killed, was actually aimed at restoring Communist power in the republic. In this it was successful, but in the long term the episode proved decisive in turning the populace against Moscow, becoming known as "Black January" and a reference for Azeri independence. The Communist Party retained power in multy-party elections, but parliament had an opposition for the first time. As ethnic problems developed, tens of thousands of Azeris and Armenians were expelled from both republics, massacres occurred, and with the break-up of the Soviet Union in 1991, the situation had escalated into full-scale war. Although his credibility was damaged by supporting the August 1991 failed coup against Gorbachov, the Communist regime headed by Ayaz Mutalibov moved ahead declaring the independence of the country. Mutalibov became president after elections boycotted by the opposition and managed to retain power until spring 1992, when a series of violent demonstrations over continued reverses in the Karabakh war forced him to resign and flee. Over 600 Azeris are killed as they flee an Armenian attack on the town of Khodzhaly. Armenian forces break through Azeri territory to create a corridor linking Armenia to Karabakh. The interim president, Yagub Mamedov, was unable to control the political situation. The Popular Front attempted to take over local administrations, and Mutalibov made an aborted attempt to regain power. With the support of military units, the Popular Front seized control in a nearly bloodless coup in May 1992, after which the Majlis was suspended by the National Council. Presidential elections in June 1992 brought to power the Popular Front, headed by Abulfaz Elchibey, a little-known nationalist academic with a reformist agenda. Elchibey initially declared himself in favour of a UN-sponsored settlement of the war, but there was no realistic prospect of a negotiated settlement. (The country joined the United Nations still in 1992). Although elected with 55 percent of the popular vote, Elchibey soon lost popularity, because of his inability to improve the economy or end the war in Nagorno-Karabakh. At least one attempt to assassinate him was made. Elchibey's government enjoyed no more military success than its predecessor and in June 1993 Surat Huseinov, an army commander and wealthy businessman from the Ganja region who had been sacked by Elchibey, organised a military insurrection. The rebels marched on Baku and seized control, despite protests and appeals from Elchibey, who went into hiding in Nakhichevan (an exclave in the south-west corner of Armenia which is part of Azerbaijan). Following these chaotic events, in June 1993 the National Council voted to transfer Elchibey's powers to Heydar Aliyev, the long-time Communist party leader and KGB official who had been elected chairman of the Council. A referendum supported Elchibey's removal, and in October 1993 Aliyev was elected president with 98.8 percent of the popular vote in an election boycotted by Elchibey's Popular Front (Aliyev was heading Nakhichevan since 1991). Hailed as a saviour of sorts, Aliyev has not had everything his own way – the army forced Suret Huseinov into the premiership for a brief period in 1994. In October 1994, Interior Minister Iskander Hamidov, Prosecutor General Ali Omerov, and Prime Minister Surat Huseinov were all implicated in an attempted coup. Both Huseinov and Omerov were dismissed from their posts and a state of emergency was declared. 1994 was also marked by the sgining of the "contract of the century" with a consortium of international oil companies for the exploitation of three offshore oil fields. Aliyev has succeeded in stabilising the country, settling (at least temporarily) the war in Nagorno-Karabakh, quelling the often violent rivalries between competing interest groups and clans, and concentrating on putting the country on its feet. However, by the time of the ceasefire with Armenia was signed in May 1994 there were over 20,000 dead, and over a million refugees. Some fighting occurred again in early 1995, as Armenia sought to eliminate remaining Azeri resistance. The Karabakh Armenians declared independence (Artsakh) and seized almost 20% of the country's territory. 1995 saw also another attempted coup d'état, this time organized by the special police force. Heydar Aliyev's credibility was somewhat damaged by the conduct of National Assembly elections in November 1995 and February 1996 which produced large majorities for the Aliyev-backed Yeni Azerbaycan Partiyasi (YAP), but he eventually he secured a degree of international legitimacy and respectability for his government, having assured an easy re-election in 1998.

the XXI century

In 2003 Heydar Aliyev's growing health problems forced him to abstain from seeking re-election - instead he recommended the vote in his son Ilham Ailyev, a notorious former playboy converted to family life. In October 2003 Ilham won the presidency in an election considered rigged by the OSCE, succeeding his father in the first dynasty of the CIS. Heydar Aliyev realized he was living on borrowed time and arranged his own succession with perfect timing, as he eventually died on December 12 of the same year in a clinic in Cleveland, Ohio. These days Ilham looks plump, suavely dressed, speaks fluent English and has a ready smile. The intelligence company Stratfor.com, which is reported to have links to the CIA, describes him this way: "Ilham Aliyev lacks his father's charisma, political skills, contacts, experience, stature, intelligence and authority. Aside from that he will make a wonderful president." Analysts are divided on how long he will last as president. Some see him as a transitional figure who will ensure a smooth succession, before handing over at some point in the future to another member of the ruling clan. Rival powers in the region, especially the Russian Federation, Turkey, Iran and the Gulf states are now looking to secure influence in the country through aid packages, support for religious groups and political parties and the like. In addition, the discovery in the 1980s of potentially huge offshore oil and gas fields in the Azeri sector of the Caspian Sea has drawn Western oil companies and governments to the country. After years as a relative backwater, using the words of Kipling, Azerbaijan now finds itself at the heart of a new "Great Game" in Central Asia.

sources: azerb.com WTGO, Library of Congress, BBC, 'German Armed Forces in WWII', Great Soviet Encyclopaedia

Shirvanshah Complex: The Splendor of the Middle Ages

Mirza Khazar — Thu, 24 Feb 2005 03:45:00 -0500

The Splendor of the Middle Ages No tour of Baku's Ichari Shahar (Inner City) would be complete without a stop at the 15th-century Shirvanshah complex. The Shirvanshahs ruled the state of Shirvan in northern Azerbaijan from the 6th to the 16th centuries. Their attention first shifted to Baku in the 12th century, when Shirvanshah Manuchehr III ordered that the city be surrounded with walls. In 1191, after a devastating earthquake destroyed the capital city of Shamakhi, the residence of the Shirvanshahs was moved to Baku, and the foundation of the Shirvanshah complex was laid. This complex, built on the highest point of Ichari Shahar, remains as one of the most striking monuments of medieval Azerbaijani architecture. The various sections of the Shirvanshah complex were not all created at the same time, and there was not a general plan for the entire complex's construction. Rather, each building was added as the need arose. Much of the construction was done in the 15th century, during the reign of Khalilullah I and his son Farrukh Yassar in 1435-1442. An Egyptian historian named as-Suyuti described the father in superlative terms: "He was the most honored among rulers, the most pious, worthy and just. He was the last of the great Muslim rulers. He ruled the Shirvan and Shamakhi kingdoms for 50 years. He died in 1465, when he was about 100 years old, but he had good eyes and excellent health." The buildings that belong to the complex include what may have been living quarters, a mosque, the octagonal-shaped Divankhana (Royal Assembly), a tomb for royal family members, the mausoleum of Seyid Yahya Bakuvi (a famous astronomer of the time) and a bathhouse . All of these buildings except for the living premises and bathhouse are fairly well preserved. The Shirvanshah complex itself is currently under reconstruction. It has 27 rooms on the first floor and 25 on the second. Like so many other old buildings in Baku, the real function of the Shirvanshah complex is still under investigation. Though commonly described as a palace, some experts question this. The complex simply doesn't have the royal grandeur and huge spaces normally associated with a palace; for instance, there are no grand entrances for receiving guests or huge royal bedrooms. Most of the rooms seem more suitable for small offices or monks' living quarters. Divankhana This unique building, located on the upper level of the grounds, takes on the shape of an octagonal pavilion. The filigree portal entrance is elaborately worked in limestone. The central inscription with the date of the Assembly's construction and the name of the architect may have been removed after Shah Ismayil Khatai (famous king from Southern Azerbaijan) conquered Baku in 1501. However, there are two very interesting hexagonal medallions on either side of the entrance. Each consists of six rhombuses with very unusual patterns carved in stone. Each elaborate design includes the fundamental tenets of the Shiite faith: "There is no other God but God. Mohammad is his prophet. Ali is the head of the believers." In several rhombuses, the word "Allah" (God) is hewn in reverse so that it can be read in a mirror. It seems looking-glass reflection carvings were quite common in the Oriental world at that time. Scholars believe that the Divankhana was a mausoleum meant for, or perhaps even used for, Khalilullah I. Its rotunda resembles those found in the mausoleums of Bayandur and Mama-Khatun in Turkey. Also, the small room that precedes the main octagonal hall is a common feature in mausoleums of Shirvan. The Royal Tomb This building is located in the lower level of the grounds and is known as the Turba (burial vault). An inscription dates the vault to 1435-1436 and says that Khalilullah I built it for his mother Bika khanim and his son Farrukh Yamin. His mother died in 1435 and his son died in 1442, at the age of seven. Ten more tombs were discovered later on; these may have belonged to other members of the Shah's family, including two more sons who died during his own lifetime. The entrance to the tomb is decorated with stalactite carvings in limestone. One of the most interesting features of this portal is the two drop-shaped medallions on either side of the Koranic inscription. At first, they seem to be only decorative. The Turba is one of the few areas in the Shirvanshah complex where we actually know the name of the architect who built the structure. In the portal of the burial vault, the name "Me'mar (architect) Ali" is carved into the design, but in reverse, as if reflected in a mirror. Some scholars suggest that if the Shah had discovered that his architect inscribed his own name in a higher position than the Shah's, he would have been severely punished. The mirror effect was introduced so that he could leave his name for posterity. Remnants of History Another important section of the grounds is the mosque. According to complicated inscriptions on its minaret, Khalilullah I ordered its construction in 1441. This minaret is 22 meters in height (approximately 66 feet). Key Gubad Mosque, which is just a few meters outside the complex, was built in the 13th century. It was destroyed in 1918 in a fire; only the bases of its walls and columns remain. Nearby is the 15th-century Mausoleum, which is said to be the burial place of court astronomer Seyid Yahya Bakuvi. Murad's Gate was a later addition to the complex. An inscription on the gate tells that it was built by a Baku citizen named Baba Rajab during the rule of Turkish sultan Murad III in 1586. It apparently served as a gateway to a building, but it is not known what kind of building it was or even if it ever existed. In the 19th century, the complex was used as an arms depot. Walls were added around its perimeter, with narrow slits hewn out of the rock so that weapons could be fired from them. These anachronistic details don't bear much connection to the Shirvanshahs, but they do hint at how the buidings have managed to survive the political vicissitudes brought on by history. Visitors to the Shirvanshah complex can also see some of the carved stones from the friezes that were brought up from the ruined Sabayil fortress that lies submerged underwater off Baku's shore. The stones, which now rest in the courtyard, have carved writing that records the genealogy of the Shirvanshahs. The complex was designated as a historical site in 1920, and reconstruction has continued off and on ever since that time. According to Sevda Dadashova, Director, restoration is currently progressing, though much slower than desired because of a lack of funding. Seyran Valiyev and Fuad Akhundov both contributed to this article. The book "Baku" by Leonid Bretanskiy was also referenced (Iskusstvo (Art) Publishing House: Leningrad, Moscow, 1970). The buildings that belong to the complex include what may have been living quarters, a mosque, the octagonal-shaped Divankhana (Royal Assembly), a tomb for royal family members, the mausoleum of Seyid Yahya Bakuvi (a famous astronomer of the time) and a bathhouse . All of these buildings except for the living premises and bathhouse are fairly well preserved. The Shirvanshah complex itself is currently under reconstruction. It has 27 rooms on the first floor and 25 on the second. Like so many other old buildings in Baku, the real function of the Shirvanshah complex is still under investigation. Though commonly described as a palace, some experts question this. The complex simply doesn't have the royal grandeur and huge spaces normally associated with a palace; for instance, there are no grand entrances for receiving guests or huge royal bedrooms. Most of the rooms seem more suitable for small offices or monks' living quarters. Scholars believe that the Divankhana was a mausoleum meant for, or perhaps even used for, Khalilullah I. Its rotunda resembles those found in the mausoleums of Bayandur and Mama-Khatun in Turkey. Also, the small room that precedes the main octagonal hall is a common feature in mausoleums of Shirvan. The Royal Tomb This building is located in the lower level of the grounds and is known as the Turba (burial vault). An inscription dates the vault to 1435-1436 and says that Khalilullah I built it for his mother Bika khanim and his son Farrukh Yamin. His mother died in 1435 and his son died in 1442, at the age of seven. Ten more tombs were discovered later on; these may have belonged to other members of the Shah's family, including two more sons who died during his own lifetime. The entrance to the tomb is decorated with stalactite carvings in limestone. One of the most interesting features of this portal is the two drop-shaped medallions on either side of the Koranic inscription. At first, they seem to be only decorative. No tour of Baku's Ichari Shahar (Inner City) would be complete without a stop at the 15th-century Shirvanshah complex. The Shirvanshahs ruled the state of Shirvan in northern Azerbaijan from the 6th to the 16th centuries. Their attention first shifted to Baku in the 12th century, when Shirvanshah Manuchehr III ordered that the city be surrounded with walls. In 1191, after a devastating earthquake destroyed the capital city of Shamakhi, the residence of the Shirvanshahs was moved to Baku, and the foundation of the Shirvanshah complex was laid. This complex, built on the highest point of Ichari Shahar, remains as one of the most striking monuments of medieval Azerbaijani architecture. The various sections of the Shirvanshah complex were not all created at the same time, and there was not a general plan for the entire complex's construction. Rather, each building was added as the need arose. Much of the construction was done in the 15th century, during the reign of Khalilullah I and his son Farrukh Yassar in 1435-1442. An Egyptian historian named as-Suyuti described the father in superlative terms: "He was the most honored among rulers, the most pious, worthy and just. He was the last of the great Muslim rulers. He ruled the Shirvan and Shamakhi kingdoms for 50 years. He died in 1465, when he was about 100 years old, but he had good eyes and excellent health." The buildings that belong to the complex include what may have been living quarters, a mosque, the octagonal-shaped Divankhana (Royal Assembly), a tomb for royal family members, the mausoleum of Seyid Yahya Bakuvi (a famous astronomer of the time) and a bathhouse . All of these buildings except for the living premises and bathhouse are fairly well preserved. The Shirvanshah complex itself is currently under reconstruction. It has 27 rooms on the first floor and 25 on the second. Like so many other old buildings in Baku, the real function of the Shirvanshah complex is still under investigation. Though commonly described as a palace, some experts question this. The complex simply doesn't have the royal grandeur and huge spaces normally associated with a palace; for instance, there are no grand entrances for receiving guests or huge royal bedrooms. Most of the rooms seem more suitable for small offices or monks' living quarters. Divankhana This unique building, located on the upper level of the grounds, takes on the shape of an octagonal pavilion. The filigree portal entrance is elaborately worked in limestone. The central inscription with the date of the Assembly's construction and the name of the architect may have been removed after Shah Ismayil Khatai (famous king from Southern Azerbaijan) conquered Baku in 1501. However, there are two very interesting hexagonal medallions on either side of the entrance. Each consists of six rhombuses with very unusual patterns carved in stone. Each elaborate design includes the fundamental tenets of the Shiite faith: "There is no other God but God. Mohammad is his prophet. Ali is the head of the believers." In several rhombuses, the word "Allah" (God) is hewn in reverse so that it can be read in a mirror. It seems looking-glass reflection carvings were quite common in the Oriental world at that time. Scholars believe that the Divankhana was a mausoleum meant for, or perhaps even used for, Khalilullah I. Its rotunda resembles those found in the mausoleums of Bayandur and Mama-Khatun in Turkey. Also, the small room that precedes the main octagonal hall is a common feature in mausoleums of Shirvan. The Royal Tomb This building is located in the lower level of the grounds and is known as the Turba (burial vault). An inscription dates the vault to 1435-1436 and says that Khalilullah I built it for his mother Bika khanim and his son Farrukh Yamin. His mother died in 1435 and his son died in 1442, at the age of seven. Ten more tombs were discovered later on; these may have belonged to other members of the Shah's family, including two more sons who died during his own lifetime. The entrance to the tomb is decorated with stalactite carvings in limestone. One of the most interesting features of this portal is the two drop-shaped medallions on either side of the Koranic inscription. At first, they seem to be only decorative. The Turba is one of the few areas in the Shirvanshah complex where we actually know the name of the architect who built the structure. In the portal of the burial vault, the name "Me'mar (architect) Ali" is carved into the design, but in reverse, as if reflected in a mirror. Some scholars suggest that if the Shah had discovered that his architect inscribed his own name in a higher position than the Shah's, he would have been severely punished. The mirror effect was introduced so that he could leave his name for posterity. Remnants of History Another important section of the grounds is the mosque. According to complicated inscriptions on its minaret, Khalilullah I ordered its construction in 1441. This minaret is 22 meters in height (approximately 66 feet). Key Gubad Mosque, which is just a few meters outside the complex, was built in the 13th century. It was destroyed in 1918 in a fire; only the bases of its walls and columns remain. Nearby is the 15th-century Mausoleum, which is said to be the burial place of court astronomer Seyid Yahya Bakuvi. Murad's Gate was a later addition to the complex. An inscription on the gate tells that it was built by a Baku citizen named Baba Rajab during the rule of Turkish sultan Murad III in 1586. It apparently served as a gateway to a building, but it is not known what kind of building it was or even if it ever existed. In the 19th century, the complex was used as an arms depot. Walls were added around its perimeter, with narrow slits hewn out of the rock so that weapons could be fired from them. These anachronistic details don't bear much connection to the Shirvanshahs, but they do hint at how the buidings have managed to survive the political vicissitudes brought on by history. Visitors to the Shirvanshah complex can also see some of the carved stones from the friezes that were brought up from the ruined Sabayil fortress that lies submerged underwater off Baku's shore. The stones, which now rest in the courtyard, have carved writing that records the genealogy of the Shirvanshahs. The complex was designated as a historical site in 1920, and reconstruction has continued off and on ever since that time. According to Sevda Dadashova, Director, restoration is currently progressing, though much slower than desired because of a lack of funding. Seyran Valiyev and Fuad Akhundov both contributed to this article. The book "Baku" by Leonid Bretanskiy was also referenced (Iskusstvo (Art) Publishing House: Leningrad, Moscow, 1970). (azerivista.om)