The Voice of Mirza Xazar: Category Mirza Khazar's archive

Azadliq TV

Mirza Khazar — Sun, 24 Sep 2006 08:09:11 -0400

DX LISTENING DIGEST 5-185, October 26, 2005 Incorporating REVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL BROADCASTING
edited by Glenn Hauser, http://www.worldofradio.com

** AZERBAIJAN. MEDIA GUIDE OCTOBER 2005

Over 2,000 candidates will be contesting 125 seats in the Azerbaijani
parliament on 6 November 2005. A divided and frustrated opposition has
fought on the streets and in the media for the right to express
itself.

There is no evidence of centralized control of media outlets in
Azerbaijan but there are several centres of influence and groupings of
media sources close to politicians and civil servants.

Political pressure on printed media has varied. In 2004 it appeared to
be on the decrease but the media has since attracted the attention of
government and other forces alike. There is relatively low circulation
of newspapers and a small number of independent papers. Domestic TV
audiences are large and the press has only a limited impact. However,
the printed word has until recently been the only means by which the
opposition could express itself.

Television

TV is the most popular mass medium in Azerbaijan. Although controlled
by various means, it is probably the most influential. Pro-government
commercial stations and the state channel have mainly been seen by
media observers as mouthpieces for allies of the Aliyev government.
However the TV scene is changing: One newcomer is the long-planned
public service TV station ITV, which has yet to establish a track
record on independent reporting.

Also in its infancy is Azadliq (Freedom) TV, available via Internet
and satellite with former head of the RFE/RL Azerbaijani service Mirza Xazar and prominent journalist Ilqar Alfioglu on the staff. Azadliq TV
is said to be owned by the leader of the opposition Democratic Party
and former parliament speaker in exile, Rasul Quliyev. The channel
went on the air in September 2005 right before the parliamentary
election. Reports variously place the studios in Israel or Germany.
Changes have also been seen at the commercial channel ANS TV.

There are 4 Azerbaijani commercial TV stations based in Baku which are
also relayed across Azerbaijan. These are mostly entertainment based
but carry news and current affairs programming to varying degrees.
Though owned privately, commercial TV stations are believed to be
close to government officials. Media Holding, of which Lider TV is
part, is reportedly owned by Adalat Aliyev, President Ilham Aliyev's
cousin. ATV is said to be supported by the head of the presidential
administration, Ramiz Mehdiyev.

ANS, which is viewed as the most liberal of the TV channels, is close
to the now arrested Farhad Aliyev, former economic development
minister. The channel was observed to support him when he lashed out
against monopolies in the country. The Azerbaijani government has
never succeeded in maintaining full control over the station despite
numerous efforts. The authorities know the station enjoys enormous
support and it is now treated as more or less an independent source.

The company enjoys foreign support too, in particular that of US
ambassador to Azerbaijan, Reno Harnish, who has expressed his
satisfaction with the company's election broadcast policy. It appears
to have achieved a measure of balance. ANS has a particularly strong
position on Nagornyy Karabakh and Armenia, although no media outlet
could pursue a different policy, which would be seen as against the
national interest. The brother of owner Vahid Mustafayev was killed in
the Karabakh war and Vahid himself was a war correspondent. ANS may
well be under political and financial pressure before and after the
election, but is in quite a strong position to practise some
independent reporting.

One state TV station from Turkey and some commercial channels are
available in Baku. Azerbaijani speakers can understand the Turkish
language.

In some areas near the national borders, broadcasts from an external
Iranian channel, state TV from Armenia and the Nagornyy Karabakh
station can be received. These signals are a combination of the normal
overspill of TV signals and the careful placing of TV transmitters,
some with directional signals, in border areas. They have all been the
subject of criticism by the Azerbaijani government or the loyal
private media.

Russian national TV programmes are relayed terrestrially in
Azerbaijan, though they have been interrupted in the past for non-
payment of bills. Some officials and media have called for them to be
curbed in the past, accusing them of bias in their coverage of
Azerbaijani issues. There is a pay or "cable" TV offering in Baku
using uses encrypted microwave signals.

A handful of local TV stations started operations outside the law in
Azerbaijan as long ago as 1998. Legal moves and direct closure
resulted in some cases but in early 2002, five regional television
stations in Azerbaijan were awarded broadcast licences and others
appear to have been legitimized. None of the stations carry
controversial or overtly political programming. According to a local
media expert the local authorities have the ability to exert influence
on their local TV station through local taxes and legislation.

During the 2003 presidential elections, regional stations did carry
more reports on the opposition than national TV, but they received
cautions over this coverage.

Website 1

Mirza Khazar — Fri, 25 Feb 2005 12:36:00 -0500

Mirza Khazar

Mirza Khazar — Tue, 22 Feb 2005 18:25:00 -0500

Mirza Khazar (Michaeli)

Date of Birth: November 29, 1947

Place of Birth: Goychai, Azerbaijan

Family Status: Married, 3 children

Professional Experience: 1987-2003 Director, Azerbaijani Broadcast Service, Radio Free Europe/ Radio Liberty, Inc., Prague, Czech Republic

1985-1987 Chief, Azerbaijani Service, the Voice of America, Washington, DC, USA

1976-1985 Deputy Chief Editor, Azerbaijani Service, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, Inc., Munich, Germany

1973-1974 Attorney at Law, Sumgait, Azerbaijan

Education: June, 1973 LL.B., Faculty of Law, Azerbaijan State University, Baku, Azerbaijan

1975 Special courses for lawyers from The USSR, Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv, Israel

1979 Hunter College, special English Courses, New York, USA

1981 Living English School, Folkstone, Great Britain

1986 Fundamentals of Equal Employment Opportunity for supervisors and Managers, Washington, DC, USA

1989 Management training seminars, Boston University, Munich Campus, Starnberg, Germany

Publications: Published translation of the Old And the New Testament into modern Azerbaijani language. The New Testament was Printed in Stockholm, 1983. Re-printed five times. Translated The Old Testament. Not published yet.

Research Work: Published many research papers on Social, economic, political, and Cultural developments in Azerbaijan, as well as other Former Soviet republics. Research Papers and articles appeared in The Bulletin of the Research Institute, RFE/RL, as well as in Azerbaijani, Turkish, Russian and Czech Press.

Mirza Khazar

Mirza Khazar — Tue, 22 Feb 2005 12:26:00 -0500

Mirza Khazar (Michaeli)

Date of Birth: November 29, 1947

Place of Birth: Goychai, Azerbaijan

Family Status: Married, 3 children

Professional Experience: 1987-2003 Director, Azerbaijani Broadcast Service, Radio Free Europe/ Radio Liberty, Inc., Prague, Czech Republic 1985-1987 Chief, Azerbaijani Service, the Voice of America, Washington, DC, USA 1976-1985 Deputy Chief Editor, Azerbaijani Service, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, Inc., Munich, Germany 1973-1974 Attorney at Law, Baku, Azerbaijan

Education: June, 1973 LL.B., Faculty of Law, Azerbaijan State University, Baku, Azerbaijan 1975 Special courses for lawyers from The USSR, Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv, Israel 1979 Hunter College, special English Courses, New York, USA 1981 Living English School, Folkstone, Great Britain 1986 Fundamentals of Equal Employment Opportunity for supervisors and Managers, Washington, DC, USA 1989 Management training seminars, Boston University, Munich Campus, Starnberg, Germany

Publications: Published translation of the Old And the New Testament into modern Azerbaijani language. The New Testament was Printed in Stockholm, 1983. Re-printed five times.

Mirza Xazar: A Fight Between Clans In Baku, Or A Sign Of Aliev's Weakness?

Mirza Khazar — Mon, 21 Feb 2005 15:30:00 -0500

22 May 2001 NEWS BRIEFS A Fight Between Clans In Baku, Or A Sign Of Aliev's Weakness? Recent commentaries and reports in the Azerbaijani press suggests that a real political struggle is underway between the so- called "clans" represented in upper echelons of power in Baku. The fight between those "clans" intensified last week when another group representing Western Azerbaijanis (Azerbaijanis from Armenia) created the new "Erivan Birliyi" (Erevan Unity) society. The founders of this new entity insist that their society has no political goals and pursues only "public goals." But in spite of this insistence, most political observers in Baku, as well as most commentators in the Azerbaijani press, believethat the main goal of the "Erivan Birliyi" is to become a sort of "center of power" in the event of Heydar Aliev's demise. Both arguments seem to be sincere, but an attempt by Western Azerbaijanis to hold on their influence within the upper leadership in Baku suggests that after Aliev's departure they might fail to retain that influence or to maintain the grip on power in the long term. Local observers suggest that the haste in creating this "unity" is a clear sign of the weakness of the Western Azerbaijanis and suggests that they fear for their own future. Another indication is that Western Azerbaijanis in the upper echelons of power are seriously preparing themselves for the power struggle which will erupt as soon as Aliev departs the political scene. But even if this is true, there are many obstacles restricting the ability of Western Azerbaijanis to actively play a role in the transition of power. One of the obstacles is, as the local press suggests, deep differencies and even hostility between "Erivan Birliyi" and another Western Azerbaijani society, called "Agridag" (the Turkish name for Mount Ararat). Azerbaijani papers identify as the moving force behind "Erivan Birliyi" Ramiz Mehtiev, who heads the presidential staff. The main player in "Agridag" is Health Minister Ali Insanov. The rivalry between the two is no longer a secret in Baku. There is another sign that the alleged power struggle will turn into struggle between "clans." According to some reports, the "Alindja" society which was formed in the early 1990's in Baku by elite groups from Nakhichevan, constitutes another influential group within the top leadership. Hostilities between these two "clans" have deepened since Aliev came to power in June 1993. The Nakhichevanis claim that they played a major role in bringing Aliev to power. They complain that despite having done so, they did not receive as much attention as the Western Azerbaijanis did. One can not exclude the possibility that the rivalry between the Western Azerbaijanis and the Azerbaijanis from Nakhichevan will increase as rumors about President Aliev's health and his upcoming departure from power continue to spread. And as long as those rumors continue to spread, and as long as President Aliev's image on TV continues to worry his close allies, the fight between the "clans" will continue to intensify. As long as the struggle for power continues, it is likely to impact on other political forces and the public in Azerbaijan. RFE/RL Azerbaijan Report (Mirza Xazar)

Mirza Xazar: The UN Report: Negative Assessment Of Azerbaijan's Economy

Mirza Khazar — Mon, 21 Feb 2005 15:27:00 -0500

The UN Report: Negative Assessment Of Azerbaijan's Economy The United Nations Development Agency has released its annual report on economic development in Azerbaijan, which notes the nostalgia of most of the population for Soviet-era economic "stability." It is a strange assessment for a country with huge oil reserves and huge foreign investment in its oil industry. Despite years of heavy foreign investment in Azerbaijan's oil sector, according to the report, most people in Azerbaijan say they were better off when their country was part of the Soviet Union. Foreign investment now accounts for about 70 percent of all foreign capital moving into Azerbaijan, up from less than 16 percent in 1994, the report said. Independent economists and opposition too have criticized the government policy of paying attention only to the oil industry, neglecting other sectors of country's economy, which in turn is the main reason for the closure of many enterprizes and the elimination of a huge number of jobs. According to the UN report, aid from foreign governments is also a source of capital. But like many former Soviet republics, Azerbaijan is plagued by sluggish bureacracy and corruption that holds up investment, the UN report said. This assessment has been proven by cases of mismanagement of foreign humanitarian aid sent for Azerbaijani refugees. The UN assessment of the economic situation in Azerbaijan differs widely from Azerbaijani government statistics on economic development. For example, the annual UN study showed high unemployment of 69 percent among nearly a million refugees driven from the Armenian- occupied territories. The report does not mention overall unemployment among ordinary citizens of Azerbaijan, but according to an independent account, the percentage of people without jobs among non-refugees is also high. Furthermore due to the few jobs available in Azerbaijan, around 2 million Azerbaijanis were forced to leave their homeland to seek employment in Russia and other CIS states. Contrary to the Azerbaijani government's claims of economic "achievements" last year, the UN study ranked Azerbaijan 90th in standard of living among 173 countries from around the world. RFE/RL Azerbaijan Report (Mirza Xazar) 4 May 2001

Mirza Xazar: A Fight Between Clans In Baku, Or A Sign Of Aliev's Weakness?

Mirza Khazar — Mon, 21 Feb 2005 09:30:00 -0500

22 May 2001

NEWS BRIEFS

A Fight Between Clans In Baku, Or A Sign Of Aliev's Weakness?

Recent commentaries and reports in the Azerbaijani press suggests that a real political struggle is underway between the so- called "clans" represented in upper echelons of power in Baku. The fight between those "clans" intensified last week when another group representing Western Azerbaijanis (Azerbaijanis from Armenia) created the new "Erivan Birliyi" (Erevan Unity) society. The founders of this new entity insist that their society has no political goals and pursues only "public goals." But in spite of this insistence, most political observers in Baku, as well as most commentators in the Azerbaijani press, believethat the main goal of the "Erivan Birliyi" is to become a sort of "center of power" in the event of Heydar Aliev's demise. Both arguments seem to be sincere, but an attempt by Western Azerbaijanis to hold on their influence within the upper leadership in Baku suggests that after Aliev's departure they might fail to retain that influence or to maintain the grip on power in the long term. Local observers suggest that the haste in creating this "unity" is a clear sign of the weakness of the Western Azerbaijanis and suggests that they fear for their own future. Another indication is that Western Azerbaijanis in the upper echelons of power are seriously preparing themselves for the power struggle which will erupt as soon as Aliev departs the political scene. But even if this is true, there are many obstacles restricting the ability of Western Azerbaijanis to actively play a role in the transition of power. One of the obstacles is, as the local press suggests, deep differencies and even hostility between "Erivan Birliyi" and another Western Azerbaijani society, called "Agridag" (the Turkish name for Mount Ararat). Azerbaijani papers identify as the moving force behind "Erivan Birliyi" Ramiz Mehtiev, who heads the presidential staff. The main player in "Agridag" is Health Minister Ali Insanov. The rivalry between the two is no longer a secret in Baku. There is another sign that the alleged power struggle will turn into struggle between "clans." According to some reports, the "Alindja" society which was formed in the early 1990's in Baku by elite groups from Nakhichevan, constitutes another influential group within the top leadership. Hostilities between these two "clans" have deepened since Aliev came to power in June 1993. The Nakhichevanis claim that they played a major role in bringing Aliev to power. They complain that despite having done so, they did not receive as much attention as the Western Azerbaijanis did. One can not exclude the possibility that the rivalry between the Western Azerbaijanis and the Azerbaijanis from Nakhichevan will increase as rumors about President Aliev's health and his upcoming departure from power continue to spread. And as long as those rumors continue to spread, and as long as President Aliev's image on TV continues to worry his close allies, the fight between the "clans" will continue to intensify. As long as the struggle for power continues, it is likely to impact on other political forces and the public in Azerbaijan.

RFE/RL Azerbaijan Report

(Mirza Xazar)

Mirza Xazar: The UN Report: Negative Assessment Of Azerbaijan's Economy

Mirza Khazar — Mon, 21 Feb 2005 09:27:00 -0500

The UN Report: Negative Assessment Of Azerbaijan's Economy

The United Nations Development Agency has released its annual report on economic development in Azerbaijan, which notes the nostalgia of most of the population for Soviet-era economic "stability." It is a strange assessment for a country with huge oil reserves and huge foreign investment in its oil industry. Despite years of heavy foreign investment in Azerbaijan's oil sector, according to the report, most people in Azerbaijan say they were better off when their country was part of the Soviet Union. Foreign investment now accounts for about 70 percent of all foreign capital moving into Azerbaijan, up from less than 16 percent in 1994, the report said. Independent economists and opposition too have criticized the government policy of paying attention only to the oil industry, neglecting other sectors of country's economy, which in turn is the main reason for the closure of many enterprizes and the elimination of a huge number of jobs. According to the UN report, aid from foreign governments is also a source of capital. But like many former Soviet republics, Azerbaijan is plagued by sluggish bureacracy and corruption that holds up investment, the UN report said. This assessment has been proven by cases of mismanagement of foreign humanitarian aid sent for Azerbaijani refugees. The UN assessment of the economic situation in Azerbaijan differs widely from Azerbaijani government statistics on economic development. For example, the annual UN study showed high unemployment of 69 percent among nearly a million refugees driven from the Armenian- occupied territories. The report does not mention overall unemployment among ordinary citizens of Azerbaijan, but according to an independent account, the percentage of people without jobs among non-refugees is also high. Furthermore due to the few jobs available in Azerbaijan, around 2 million Azerbaijanis were forced to leave their homeland to seek employment in Russia and other CIS states. Contrary to the Azerbaijani government's claims of economic "achievements" last year, the UN study ranked Azerbaijan 90th in standard of living among 173 countries from around the world.

RFE/RL Azerbaijan Report

(Mirza Xazar) 4 May 2001

Mirza Xazar: Aliev And The Fight For A Successor

Mirza Khazar — Mon, 21 Feb 2005 09:25:00 -0500

27 April 2001

NEWS BRIEFS

Aliev And The Fight For A Successor

There is no doubt that most of the recent commentaries that have appeared in opposition newspapers about Azerbaijani President Heidar Aliev's health and his designs to have his son, Ilham, succeed him as president contain some exaggerated or at least partially biased ideas. It is not surprising, since an attempt by a weak opposition to wage it's campaign against the 78-year-old president using propaganda might be considered a "natural" form of politics in Azerbaijan. Nevertheless, there is little doubt and too many indications that the fight to be Aliev's successor has begun in Azerbaijan. Rumors, reports, and commentaries on this subject are persistent. And Aliev's poor appearance on TV screens is too obvious to doubt that his health is not good -- contrary to what he and his son claim or what the official media tells the public. The Turkish TV Channel D, in a report on 26 April on the summit of Turkic-speaking countries, described the appearance of the Azerbaijani president in an unusually blatant manner: "Azerbaijani President Heidar Aliev's gaunt appearance drew the attention of many people." The remark is neither diplomatic nor polite, of course. But it might serve as an indicator of a new approach of in the Turkish media and perhaps the Turkish government towards Aliev. This fact is, of course, an external nuance of the fight to be Aliev's heir that is going on in Azerbaijan. It might have and might not have an impact on the battle for succession, since not Turkey, but maybe Russia and Iran also are interested to have their own "input" into this process. But there is no doubt that the main game is being played in Baku. Aliev continues to show his determination to have Ilham succeed him as president. In his remarks at the Baku airport on 25 April before his flight to Ankara, Aliev praised Ilham's "great" speech in Strasbourg at a session of the Council of Europe. The Russian-language newspaper "Zerkalo," in a commentary on 26 April, showed confidence that the time has arrived for the anointed successor (Ilham) to appear in public. "The successor has been chosen and the only issue on agenda is to legitimize him," comments the paper. It seems "Zerkalo" is right. The time is arriving. But there are a lot of problems and difficulties in getting a transition of power to occur at the right time. Aliev's decision to have his son be the next president angered and frightened many of his close allies within his own elite from the Nakhichevan "club." Judging from reports published in the local press, a fierce struggle to neutralize potential contenders -- Ramiz Mehtiev, the president's chief of staff, Ali Insanov, the health minister, and Kamaladdin Heidarov, head of the powerful state customs committee, are in the center of this ongoing infighting. According to some observers in Baku, Aliev's decision to tab his son as the heir apparent not only prompted a fight within the Nakhichevan "clan" for succession, but alienated most of his supporters among those people from Nakhichevan. Therefore, according to the same sources, even if Aliev succeeds to have his son appointed or elected as the next president, the new president will fail to have strong support among from not only the general public, but also from his own "kinsmen" from Nakhichevan. This is considered to be the main weakness of Ilham. Therefore, a common question being asked in Baku in this regard is: How could Ilham Aliev survive in power without the support from his own "clan," which his father enjoyed for about 30 years? And the questions continue: Will Ilham be able to stay in power for a long time, as his father did? What can Azerbaijan expect from Ilham, if his father manages to bring him to power? How would the main outside players in the Caucasus -- Russia, the West, Iran, and Turkey react to such a power transition in Azerbaijan? And finally, will the opposition in Baku and some opposition leaders in exile actually accept this form of "natural" succession in Azerbaijan or not? These are the questions of the day. The answers will come and most likely rather soon.

RFE/RL Azerbaijan Report

(Mirza Xazar)

Heydar Aliev and Turkey

Mirza Khazar — Mon, 21 Feb 2005 09:21:00 -0500

24 April 2001

NEWS BRIEFS

Heydar Aliev and Turkey

An attempt by several hundred supporters of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party to hold a protest demonstration in the center of Baku on 21 April was the first opposition protest action since the Karabakh war invalids were forced to stop a month-long hunger- strike in February. Police resorted to brute force to prevent the ADP supporters from holding an unauthorized rally to demand the release of political prisoners, but that does not detract from the implications of the action for the political situation in Azerbaijan. Isa Gambar, head of the main opposition Musavat party, expressed support for the ADP's protest action in an interview published in the newspaper "Azadliq" on April 24. Gambar added that the Musavat party too is preparing for mass actions of protest. Azerbaijan Democratic Party chairman Rasul Quliev in his interview with "Hurriyyet" on April 24, suggested that consecutive protest rallies will force the present government to resign. One can interpret this suggestion as wishful thinking. But it would be a mistake either to overestimate the strength of the opposition, mainly its ability to unite or to underestimate President Heydar Aliev's ability to deal with such a development. But we should not forget that the situation in which Heydar Aliev is forced to operate today is different from similar situations in the past. Heydar Aliev is now 78 and he is not physically fit. He is in the middle of crucial peace talks with Armenia, and it is not clear what he will sign and how the public and political parties in Azerbaijan will react. He did not manage to convince the main players in Caucasus to support his son, Ilham as his successor. His foreign policy towards Turkey, Iran, Russia and the West is not ideal at the moment. Tensions are mounting between Azerbaijan and Iran. Aliev's recent attempts to restore "fraternal" relations with Russia will demand from him and from Azerbaijan as a state a very high price. Aliev's attempt (in an effort to strengthen his own position) to play a very complicated and contradictory game between Russia and the United States, and his desire to win this game, does not seem to be a very sophisticated and successful policy. Aliev's relations with Turkey are an obvious example of the failure of such a "twisted policy." Some observers believe that President Aliev is intentionally creating problems in relations with Turkey in order to gain Russian "kindness." This opinion might prove to be wrong or right. Heydar Aliev will leave for Ankara on April 25 to attend a summit of heads of states of Turkic speaking countries in Istanbul the following day. Not the summit as such, but relations between the Aliev leadership and Ankara will dominate his meetings with Turkish officials. Relations between two countries are at the worst point since Suleyman Demirel left office as President of Turkey a year ago. It is not only official Baku that is to blame for the worsening of relations with Ankara. The failure of the Turkish side to accept Turcophone countries as equal partners is also partly to blame for the present coolness in relations with Baku. The Azerbaijani press is unanimous that Aliev will face tough questions in Ankara during his visit there. But it is possible that the Turkish side might also face such tough questions from Azerbaijani president. Aliev with his rich political experience managed to overcome all obstacles and survive in the past 30 years. Will he at this crucial moment of his career be able to overcome not only external pressures but the infighting expected to erupt within his immediate circle in the near future over who is best qualified to succeed him as president?

RFE/RL Azerbaijan Report

(Mirza Xazar)