The Voice of Mirza Xazar

DX LISTENING DIGEST 5-185, October 26, 2005 Incorporating REVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL BROADCASTING
edited by Glenn Hauser, http://www.worldofradio.com

** AZERBAIJAN. MEDIA GUIDE OCTOBER 2005

Over 2,000 candidates will be contesting 125 seats in the Azerbaijani
parliament on 6 November 2005. A divided and frustrated opposition has
fought on the streets and in the media for the right to express
itself.

There is no evidence of centralized control of media outlets in
Azerbaijan but there are several centres of influence and groupings of
media sources close to politicians and civil servants.

Political pressure on printed media has varied. In 2004 it appeared to
be on the decrease but the media has since attracted the attention of
government and other forces alike. There is relatively low circulation
of newspapers and a small number of independent papers. Domestic TV
audiences are large and the press has only a limited impact. However,
the printed word has until recently been the only means by which the
opposition could express itself.

Television

TV is the most popular mass medium in Azerbaijan. Although controlled
by various means, it is probably the most influential. Pro-government
commercial stations and the state channel have mainly been seen by
media observers as mouthpieces for allies of the Aliyev government.
However the TV scene is changing: One newcomer is the long-planned
public service TV station ITV, which has yet to establish a track
record on independent reporting.

Also in its infancy is Azadliq (Freedom) TV, available via Internet
and satellite with former head of the RFE/RL Azerbaijani service Mirza Xazar and prominent journalist Ilqar Alfioglu on the staff. Azadliq TV
is said to be owned by the leader of the opposition Democratic Party
and former parliament speaker in exile, Rasul Quliyev. The channel
went on the air in September 2005 right before the parliamentary
election. Reports variously place the studios in Israel or Germany.
Changes have also been seen at the commercial channel ANS TV.

There are 4 Azerbaijani commercial TV stations based in Baku which are
also relayed across Azerbaijan. These are mostly entertainment based
but carry news and current affairs programming to varying degrees.
Though owned privately, commercial TV stations are believed to be
close to government officials. Media Holding, of which Lider TV is
part, is reportedly owned by Adalat Aliyev, President Ilham Aliyev's
cousin. ATV is said to be supported by the head of the presidential
administration, Ramiz Mehdiyev.

ANS, which is viewed as the most liberal of the TV channels, is close
to the now arrested Farhad Aliyev, former economic development
minister. The channel was observed to support him when he lashed out
against monopolies in the country. The Azerbaijani government has
never succeeded in maintaining full control over the station despite
numerous efforts. The authorities know the station enjoys enormous
support and it is now treated as more or less an independent source.

The company enjoys foreign support too, in particular that of US
ambassador to Azerbaijan, Reno Harnish, who has expressed his
satisfaction with the company's election broadcast policy. It appears
to have achieved a measure of balance. ANS has a particularly strong
position on Nagornyy Karabakh and Armenia, although no media outlet
could pursue a different policy, which would be seen as against the
national interest. The brother of owner Vahid Mustafayev was killed in
the Karabakh war and Vahid himself was a war correspondent. ANS may
well be under political and financial pressure before and after the
election, but is in quite a strong position to practise some
independent reporting.

One state TV station from Turkey and some commercial channels are
available in Baku. Azerbaijani speakers can understand the Turkish
language.

In some areas near the national borders, broadcasts from an external
Iranian channel, state TV from Armenia and the Nagornyy Karabakh
station can be received. These signals are a combination of the normal
overspill of TV signals and the careful placing of TV transmitters,
some with directional signals, in border areas. They have all been the
subject of criticism by the Azerbaijani government or the loyal
private media.

Russian national TV programmes are relayed terrestrially in
Azerbaijan, though they have been interrupted in the past for non-
payment of bills. Some officials and media have called for them to be
curbed in the past, accusing them of bias in their coverage of
Azerbaijani issues. There is a pay or "cable" TV offering in Baku
using uses encrypted microwave signals.

A handful of local TV stations started operations outside the law in
Azerbaijan as long ago as 1998. Legal moves and direct closure
resulted in some cases but in early 2002, five regional television
stations in Azerbaijan were awarded broadcast licences and others
appear to have been legitimized. None of the stations carry
controversial or overtly political programming. According to a local
media expert the local authorities have the ability to exert influence
on their local TV station through local taxes and legislation.

During the 2003 presidential elections, regional stations did carry
more reports on the opposition than national TV, but they received
cautions over this coverage.

The United Nations Development Agency has released its annual report on economic development in Azerbaijan, which notes the nostalgia of most of the population for Soviet-era economic "stability." It is a strange assessment for a country with huge oil reserves and huge foreign investment in its oil industry. Despite years of heavy foreign investment in Azerbaijan's oil sector, according to the report, most people in Azerbaijan say they were better off when their country was part of the Soviet Union.
Foreign investment now accounts for about 70 percent of all foreign capital moving into Azerbaijan, up from less than 16 percent in 1994, the report said. Independent economists and opposition too have criticized the government policy of paying attention only to the oil industry, neglecting other sectors of country's economy, which in turn is the main reason for the closure of many enterprizes and the elimination of a huge number of jobs.
According to the UN report, aid from foreign governments is also a source of capital. But like many former Soviet republics, Azerbaijan is plagued by sluggish bureacracy and corruption that holds up investment, the UN report said. This assessment has been proven by cases of mismanagement of foreign humanitarian aid sent for Azerbaijani refugees. The UN assessment of the economic situation in Azerbaijan differs widely from Azerbaijani government statistics on economic development. For example, the annual UN study showed high unemployment of 69 percent among nearly a million refugees driven from the Armenian- occupied territories. The report does not mention overall unemployment among ordinary citizens of Azerbaijan, but according to an independent account, the percentage of people without jobs among non-refugees is also high. Furthermore due to the few jobs available in Azerbaijan, around 2 million Azerbaijanis were forced to leave their homeland to seek employment in Russia and other CIS states. Contrary to the Azerbaijani government's claims of economic "achievements" last year, the UN study ranked Azerbaijan 90th in standard of living among 173 countries from around the world.
(Mirza Khazar) 4 May 2001
RFE/RL Azerbaijan Report

Recent commentaries and reports in the Azerbaijani press suggests that a real political struggle is underway between the so- called "clans" represented in upper echelons of power in Baku. The fight between those "clans" intensified last week when another group representing Western Azerbaijanis (Azerbaijanis from Armenia) created the new "Erivan Birliyi" (Erevan Unity) society. The founders of this new entity insist that their society has no political goals and pursues only "public goals." But in spite of this insistence, most political observers in Baku, as well as most commentators in the Azerbaijani press, believethat the main goal of the "Erivan Birliyi" is to become a sort of "center of power" in the event of Heydar Aliev's demise.
Both arguments seem to be sincere, but an attempt by Western Azerbaijanis to hold on their influence within the upper leadership in Baku suggests that after Aliev's departure they might fail to retain that influence or to maintain the grip on power in the long term. Local observers suggest that the haste in creating this "unity" is a clear sign of the weakness of the Western Azerbaijanis and suggests that they fear for their own future.
Another indication is that Western Azerbaijanis in the upper echelons of power are seriously preparing themselves for the power struggle which will erupt as soon as Aliev departs the political scene. But even if this is true, there are many obstacles restricting the ability of Western Azerbaijanis to actively play a role in the transition of power. One of the obstacles is, as the local press suggests, deep differencies and even hostility between "Erivan Birliyi" and another Western Azerbaijani society, called "Agridag" (the Turkish name for Mount Ararat).
Azerbaijani papers identify as the moving force behind "Erivan Birliyi" Ramiz Mehtiev, who heads the presidential staff. The main player in "Agridag" is Health Minister Ali Insanov. The rivalry between the two is no longer a secret in Baku.
There is another sign that the alleged power struggle will turn into struggle between "clans." According to some reports, the "Alindja" society which was formed in the early 1990's in Baku by elite groups from Nakhichevan, constitutes another influential group within the top leadership. Hostilities between these two "clans" have deepened since Aliev came to power in June 1993. The Nakhichevanis claim that they played a major role in bringing Aliev to power. They complain that despite having done so, they did not receive as much attention as the Western Azerbaijanis did.
One can not exclude the possibility that the rivalry between the Western Azerbaijanis and the Azerbaijanis from Nakhichevan will increase as rumors about President Aliev's health and his upcoming departure from power continue to spread. And as long as those rumors continue to spread, and as long as President Aliev's image on TV continues to worry his close allies, the fight between the "clans" will continue to intensify. As long as the struggle for power continues, it is likely to impact on other political forces and the public in Azerbaijan.
(Mirza Khazar - 22 May 2001 )

RFE/RL Azerbaijan Report